Early Records of the University of St Andrews
The graduation roll and the matriculation roll of the medieval University, from 1413.
Taken from J. M. Anderson (ed.) Early records of the University of St. Andrews (Edinburgh, Scottish History Society, 1926) http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/search~S5?/Yearly+records+of+the+university&searchscope=5&SORT=DZ/Yearly+records+of+the+university&searchscope=5&SORT=DZ&extended=0&SUBKEY=early+records+of+the+university/1%2C217%2C217%2CB/frameset&FF=Yearly+records+of+the+university&searchscope=5&SORT=DZ&2%2C2%2C
Graduation Roll 1413 Oaths of the Bachelors I swear that I shall be obedient to the faculty of arts and to the dean thereof in things lawful and proper: Also that I shall observe and cause to be observed the statutes and privileges of the faculty of arts, and shall defend them so far as I am able in whatever position I may attain to: Likewise I shall keep the secrets of the said faculty, nor shall I reveal them to any one to whom they ought not to be revealed. Names of the Bachelors this year In the first William Yhalulok, who paid 2 s this week. Likewise lord Stephen [Kerr], who paid 2 s this week. Likewise Thomas Graham, who paid 2 s this week. Likewise Thomas Livingston, who paid 2 s this week. Likewise Angus de Levynnochis, who paid 2 s this week. Likewise John Homyll, who paid 2 s this week. Likewise Andrew Maklauch, who paid 2 s this week. Although a determinant at Oxford he was nevertheless generously admitted by the faculty. Likewise lord Robert Fabri, who paid 2 s this week. Likewise John Henry, who paid nothing. Likewise Alexander Methven, who paid nothing. Nevertheless, those two offered surety, the first by a sworn declaration, the second by a sponsor, that if they should come into easier circumstances they would satisfy the faculty like the others preceding. Likewise lord Robert de Tynnyngame. Although made a bachelor at Oxford he was nevertheless admitted by the faculty. He contributed 5 s 6 d. 1414 Names of the Bachelors in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and fourteen. In the first Alan Fudes, who paid 20 d this week. Lord Richard de Eddislav, who paid 2 s this week. John Winton, who paid 22 d this week. Thomas Ramsay, who paid 22 d this week William White, who paid 22 d this week. Henry Malwyne, who paid 22 d this week. Thomas Edname, who paid 22 d this week. Thomas Tulloch, who paid 2 s this week. Moricius John, who paid 22 d this week. William Lyell, who paid 19 d this week. Richard Spalding, who paid 20 d this week. Lord John Thom, who paid 2 s. Robert Kastiltarris, who paid 2 s. Names of the Masters the same year, that is fourteen hundred and fourteen. In the first, Master William Zalulok. Master Thomas de Livingston. Master Robert Tynygame. Master Andrew Makgillance. Master Stephan Kerr. Master John Hommyl. Master John Henry. 1415 Names of the Bachelors in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and fifteen David Lauder, who paid 20 d. Thomas Rate, who paid 20 d. William Sperk, who paid 2 s. Gilbert Heryne, who paid 2 s. Bricius Laverok, who paid 2 s. William Raderny, who paid 2 s. Patrick M’Alwy, pauper. Michael Cowtis, pauper. Thomas M’Guffok, who paid 20 d. 1416 Names of the Bachelors in the year fourteen hundred and sixteen Robert Stewart, paid 2 s. James Brune, 2 s. Phillip Pyle. Thomas Cardenay, 20 d. Peter de Dalkeith, 20 d. Thomas Inchekok, 20 d. Likewise Robert William, 20 d. John Chamber, pauper. Likewise, James de Douglas, who paid 2 s. Henry de Douglas, who paid 2 s. Likewise Robert de Cornton, who paid 20 d. Likewise [blank] Allates, who paid 20 d. Likewise [blank] Glenconwym. 1417 Names of the Bachelors in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and seventeen Andrew de Keith George de Lauder Gilbert Forestarii John Petcarne Patrick Leche Edward Crawford Simon Bower John Bedas John Days William Thornton 1418 Names of the Bachelors in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and eighteen Determinants. In the first lord Nicholaus Inglis Alexander de Newton Walter Stewart John de Cornale Thomas Purrock Andrew Bell Martin Makgillandris Thomas de Tynygame William Whitelaw John de Atholl Alexander Cragy Names of the determinants in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and eighteen George Ramsay Gilbert Hay William Turnbull John Innesche Laurence Carruthers Laurence Pyott 1419 Names of the Licentiates Gilbert Heryng, Master. Lord Nicholas Inglis, Master. Walter Stewart, Master. George de Lawater, Master. Henry Malvyn, Master. Bricius Laverok, Master. Lord John Thom, Master. Gilbert de Hay. Phillip Pyle, Master. William Lyall. Peter William, Master. Robert de Cornton, Master. John de Chamber, Master, who swears poverty. Robert William, Master. Names of the Determinants in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and nineteen Nicholas de Otterburn 1420 Licentiates and Masters in the year of our Lord fourteen hundred and twenty Nicholas Otterburn Alexander de Newton William Turnbull Edward de Crawford 1421 Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand fourteen hundred and twenty one Robert Stewart, archdeacon John Lychton Tomas Currur William Hawk 1422 Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand fourteen hundred and twenty two Robert Lawater Robert Mofft William Livingston William Glendunwyn Simon Wardlaw 1423 Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty three Alan Stewart, who was made Master this day by Robert Cornton Walter Grereson George Lermuth Fynlaus Dempstar Henry Arrot Item Nicholaus Benachtyn Patrick Hog Thomas Bolton Michael Gowanlok Robert Leche Thomas Douglas Names of the Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty three Andrew Keith John Dais 1424 Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty four James Stewart James Broys Dominus John Chambers Dominus Henry Rynde Dominus Laurence Duncan Andrew Tulcht, bedellus Determinants of the same year John Alemer James Innes, Master John Thome and Robert William David Covane, paid 7 s. Dominus James Fermur John Leonis Simon Bane John Spens George Abernethy Dominus John de Muskilburgh 1425 Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty five, fourteenth day of the month of July Alan Stewart John Innes John Lichton Robert Lawater Robert Muffat George Abernethy William Glenunwyn Bachelors William Hay, who paid 2 s William Curour, who paid 2 s John Dunye, 2 s Donaldus M’Mulron, 2 s 1426 Bachelors Alan Cant James Lindsay Laurence Fawside George Moray William Bell Maurice M’Nabe Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty six Robert Stewart, archdeacon Nicholas Bannochtyn, Master John Aylmare, Master Robert Leche, Master Simon Wardlaw, Master Thomas Bolton, Master George Lermont, Master Finlay Dempster, Master 1427 Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty seven James Bruce, Master James Innes, Master John Lioun, Master William Hay, Master Dominus John Chamber, Master Dominus John Muskylburgh, Master Dominus Henry Rynd, Master Dominus Michael Gowanlok, Master Dominus Laurence Duncan, Master Dominus James Fermour, Master John Spens, Master John Dunnyn, Master Patricius Hog, Master 1428 Determinants received by Master John Forester, Deacon of the faculty in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty eight Bachelors Robert Fyfe Duncan Campbell Thomas Pendewen Robert Scrimgeour William Herys David Thomson James Ogilvy William Ker John Monypenny Adam Montgomery William Elphinstone Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty eight David Cerass Archibald Laurence 1429 Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty nine In the first James Kennedy, nephew of the King, subdeacon of Glasgow Gilbert Forester, archdeacon of Brechin James Lindsay, canon of the collegiate church of Dunbar These are the names of the Bachelors created in the faculty of Arts in the year above, having sworn an oath to the lord deacon In the first John Atholie Dominus John Bendelo Ercules Scrymiowr John Russell John Melrose William Gordon 1430 Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty Dominus Thomas Logy Dominus William Bell Adam Montgomery William Heryss Dominus Robert Scrymgeour Dominus William de Elphinstone Dominus John Bedas Thomas Penwen Alan Cant Alan Clapame Bachelors in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty In the first Henry Parcle John Spalding These were determinants in the same year and paid their fees to the faculty, but were not promoted to the degree of Bachelor on account of the plague, nor did they pay the portion due to the Rector Archibald Crawford Alexander Gordon John Moray, not paid William Semple, John Winter, not paid Dominus John Methven, Bachelor 1431 Licentiates on the eleventh day of April, the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty one In the first, Dominus, John Methven, Master John of Atholl, Master of 33 years John Monipenny Dominus Thomas Marschal George Murray Ercules Schrymgeour, Master Laurence of Fausyd, Master Dominus John Beoton, Master Dominus John of Lothian, Master Dominus William Lychtoun, Master Dominus Duncan Campbell, Master William Stephen, Master James of Dalrymple, Master Dominuus David Tulch, Master Determinantes in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty one Patrick Sandyland John Clerici James Schaw Dominus Archibald William These Bachelors did not pay the Rector’s portion at the time of determination, but in Lent at the time of Baccalaureation they paid it to Master Laurence of Lindores; likewise John of Moray, a bachelor of the previous year. 1432 Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty two Laurence Ramsay William Brown Andrew William Matthew Geddes John Sperman John Martin 1433 Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty three Patrick Sandiland, Master Malcolm Loudian, Master Archibald of Crawford, Master James Shaw, Master John Martin, Master Maurice Macnab, Master William Sympil, Master Alexander Gordon, Master Dominus Patrick Rede, Master Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty three Dominus William Simonton Robert Stewart Edward Cockburn John Farle Thomas Wallace Robert Halkerston Determinants in the same year Malcolm Forbace Walter Stewart Thomas Spens Alexander Lumisdan Patrick Hume John Redhuch Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty three John Montgomery Thomas Bell Alexander William William Wardlaw George Haliburton Andrew Keith Archibald od Mulbray William Mudy Patrick Nicholas Thomas Atkinson Thomas Dunyn 1434 Licentiates in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty four John Clark John Spalding John Murray Dominus John Winter Henry Parkle Dominus Archibald William Determinants in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirty four Thomas Dysart Thomas Leche Dominus William Hogg Dominus Andrew Myrtoun John Hall Dominus Alexander Schevas Dominus Thomas Pottar David Lindsay Hugo Witherspoon John Bawne Roger Carruthers Alexander Grynlaw David Hutown William Tobyname David Stewart William Lavadre John Weddale Henry Cruickshank Donald Brown David Bell Thomas Brown, admitted free Robert Chepman
Documents relating to the town of St Andrews
Miscellaneous documents which relate to the medieval town.
Charter of David II Know that whereas the former reverend fathers in Christ of honoured memory, the bishops of St Andrews, have in times past have had in times past the great customs of their own goods and those of the men of the city of St Andrews and have been in full possession thereof hitherto, we, not desiring to lessen the liberty and possessions of the said bishops but rather more fully to increase the same, and considering the various works and heavy expenses incurred and laid out, as effectively and faithfully, by the reverend father in Christ William Laundelis by the grace of God now bishop of St Andrews in sundry ways for the benefit of us and the common weal (res publica), we have approved, ratified and for ever confirmed to him and to his successors the said customs in form, possession and effect, as the same have been used and enjoyed hitherto; and of new for us and our heirs, of certain knowledge and deliberate counsel have bestowed upon and given to him the said custom for the term of his life in … the form underwritten, that is to say, that his citizens of St Andrews shall be free to buy wool, skins and woolly hides wherever they wish, as well in the burgh of Cupar as within other parts of Fife and Fothryff and elsewhere, being within the lands of the said bishop, and that they shall not be compelled to pay the great custom arising therefrom save to the bishops and his officer …; notwithstanding our grants made to any persons or places, for it was not our intention that, on account of such concessions, the liberties and privileges of the said father in Christ and the citizens should anywise suffer; and that the said bishop and his successors may freely possess the great custom of all goods owing to their burgh of St Andrews coming from the port thereof, or being borne to their port of Edyn, together with the escheat of wool, hides and woolly hides if found in these parts not paying customs; and that the cocket of the said burgh of St Andrews shall be as freely received and accepted everywhere in our realm as our cocket is received and accepted. Wherefore we order all our ministers and faithful subjects to maintain the bishop and men and servants in all and sundry things affecting our confirmation and grant … and we prohibit anyone molesting, disturbing or hindering the bishop and his men against the tenor and form of this confirmation. Given at Edinburgh 5th June 1363 [Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, i] Inquest about the Men of Cupar and St Andrews (1370) This inquest being made at Cupar on Friday the fifteenth day of the month of January in the year of our lord 1369 (1370) by the trusty men underwritten, namely, Thomas Monypenny, Philip of Lochore, Alexander Scheyn, Henry Swinton, Stephen of Kilpatrick, Gilbert of Dowrye, Andrew Ramsay of Rothie, John Dishington, John Kinnear, Andrew of Forret, Archibald Forsyth, Richard Inglis, John Brekmond, who being sworn affirm that the burgesses of Cupar, subsequent to the precept of the justiciar, have molested the burgesses of St Andrews. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 8] Judicial proceeding: the presidents of parliament’s judgement in a dispute between St Andrews and Cupar In the parliament held at Perth on 7 February (1370), the venerable father, the bishop of St Andrews, in his name and [in the name] of the city of St Andrews, and several of the citizens of the city of St Andrews, in their names and [in the names] of the other citizens of the same city, from one party, and Duncan Balfour, who calls himself alderman of Cupar, and three other burgesses of Cupar in Fife, calling themselves brothers of the guild within the said burgh, from the other, compearing in the said parliament, since after a substantial controversy has been moved and continued for a long time between the said parties, concerning the purchase of fleeces, pells and hides and other things which are known to pertain to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar by the said citizens, our lord king, wishing finally to settle the said controversy, caused the said parties with due solemnity to be assembled and legitimately summoned to his said parliament, in order to have and receive full justice in that parliament concerning and upon the said controversy. The said lord bishop [compeared], accompanied by certain citizens of the city of St Andrews as his assistants, in his name and [the name] of his church, and of them and of the others [mentioned] above, and said that, although he and his predecessors and the said citizens had been and were freely in possession of a kind of right of buying fleeces, hides and pells, and the other things [mentioned above], however great, pertaining to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar, by the citizens and inhabitants and other subordinate people of the same city, from a time beyond the existence in men’s memories of a different situation, the burgesses of Cupar, notwithstanding that for the part of the said lord our king it had been prohibited for them by public proclamation to in any way presume to disturb or disquiet the aforesaid bishop or the citizens of his city violently in the matter of the aforesaid right except by the way and form of common justice, have presumed to violently and de facto and rashly to disturb and disquiet this bishop and his citizens of his citizens of his said city and their servants and households in his same right of selling fleeces, hides, pells and the other things which [were mentioned] above, to the grave prejudice and harm of him and his church and his citizens. And this he, being in the same place, affirmed by his pledge, and asked that he and his said citizens to be restored [and] returned to the pristine possession of their right, if and in as much as they were rashly and de facto disturbed by the said burgesses of Cupar, and amends are to be made concerning the harm and injury inflicted upon him and his, which harm is assessed at the amount of 1,000 merks sterling, and moreover the same burgesses of Cupar are to have silence imposed on them that they should not presume to trouble him or his said citizens further concerning this otherwise than by the way and form of common justice. The said Duncan Balfour, calling himself alderman as above, and the other three burgesses, his assistants as aforementioned, denied similarly and expressly the pretended possession by the said bishop and citizens of St Andrews, asserting themselves and their fellow burgesses, brothers of the guild of Cupar, to have been and to be the solely and collectively in possession of the right to sell fleeces, pells and hides, and the other things which [were mentioned] above, for a great time past. And when they had been asked on the king’s behalf if the pledge against them was found by the bishop, the said alderman and burgesses would then wish to oppose [him] according to the laws and customs of the realm approved hitherto, [and] they have refused to do this, expressly claiming themselves not to be held for, etc, because they did not have a suitable day or place for showing their evidence to [enable them] to contradict the said pledge being thus found. Which things thus having been done and both parties having withdrawn, and diligent deliberation and negotiation having been had concerning this by the presidents of this parliament in the king’s presence and having been found in writs that the said pledge was not opposed by the said burgesses, the parties were recalled and returned to the presence of the king and of those who were presiding for giving justice in the said parliament. It was decreed by the presidents of the same parliament and adjudged by way of sentence that the bishop of St Andrews and his said citizens in the name which [is stated] above, are to be returned and restored and they returned and restored them in so far as it was in their power to the possession of the said right. And the adverse party was to be held and ought to be held to make satisfaction to them concerning the harm and injury which can be justly proved in the presence of the king’s justiciar at the day and place to be assigned to them by the said justiciar concerning this. And silence was imposed upon the said burgesses of Cupar by the same presidents of the parliament that they would not presume to trouble the said bishop or his said citizens further concerning this other than by the way and in the form of law and according to the laws of the kingdom approved hitherto. And the justiciar then being present and receiving mandate was commanded that at a certain place and day to be assigned to him by the king’s letters he should convoke and convene to that place in the presence of the burgesses of Cupar, whether being absent from the said parliament or the said four who were present in the same place, and that he should accuse each of them on the king’s behalf of violation of the king’s prohibition thus publicly proclaimed, as aforementioned, and of the presumptuous act attempted against his prohibition by them, assessing the harm and disparagement of the king against each of them concerning this at £100 sterling. It was also decreed by the same presidents of the parliament that the same justiciar [should require] certain and secure pledges from the same four burgesses of Cupar then present in the same place for compearing in his presence under certain penalties at the said day and place to be assigned as aforementioned and for standing to law in the same place, and that then the same justiciar should cause the said lord bishop and his men to be satisfied concerning whatsoever damages, injuries and harms inflicted on them as reason should demand and the order of justice should dictate. Records of the Parliaments of Scotland [1370/2/41] Charter by John Scrymgeour to William Balmyle rector of Benhame (1410) Charter by John Scrymgeour, natural son of Sir James Scyrmgeour constable of Dundee, knight, and Marion wife of John, narrating that after the death of Alexander Scrymgeour of Aberbrothock, possessor of certain lands and rights underwritten in the city of St Andrews, William Scrymgeour cousin and heir possessed the same and after Sir James who had acquired the right thereto granted the same to the said John Scrymgeour and Marion then his future spouse, who now with the consent of the said Sir James and other friends of his and his wife, sell and dispone the same to Sir William of Balmyle rector of the church of Benhame, St Andrews diocese, for a certain sum of money: Viz, an annual rent of five shillings due and payable from the lands of James Brabaner in Market Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of Rankiny Brabaner on the west and the land of Laurence Peebles on the east; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of the said Rankiny Brabaner in Market Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of James Brabaner on the east and the land of John Bonar on the west; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of Andrew of Dunbrek in Market Street of the said city on the south side between the lands of the deceased Thomas Tody on the east and the land of Richard Narn on the west; an annual rent of ten shillings due and payable from the lands of the John Duncan in vico Piscatorum (Fishers Street) on the west side between the lands of the heirs of the deceased John Cass on the north and the land of Gilbert Guthry on the south; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of the deceased Galfrid Smith in North Street on the north side thereof between the land of John Scot the elder on the west …; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of Robert Johnson lying in the North Street on the north side between the land of John Scot on the east and the tenement of Laurence Peebles on the west; an annual rent of three shillings due and payable from the land of the said William Raa lying on North Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of John Gled on the east and the land of Robert Smith on the west; an annual rent of thirteen shillings and four pence due and payable from certain land of the heirs of the deceased Thomas Tody in South Street of the said city on the north side between the land of John Bonar on the west and the land of the heirs of Thomas Tody on the east; an annual rent of nine shillings due and payable from the tenement of the said William Balmyle in South Street on the south side between the land of John Thomson on the east and the land of Robert Bower on the west; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the land of John Litstar in South Street on the north side between the land of Thomas Tailour on the west and the land of Duncan Robertson on the east; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the tenement of David Coinet in South Street on the north side between the land of Sir John Crab priest on the west and the land of John Wallace on the east; a certain waste land lying in South Street on the north side between the land of John Garden on the west and the heirs of the deceased Norman Gupylde on the east; an annual rent of two shillings due and payable from the land of Adam Ewinson in South Street on the north side between the land of Marion Bald on the east and another land of Adam on the west; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of John Frislay in Market Street on the south side between the land of Walter Spadebeard on the east and the land of John Bonar on the west; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of Alexander Lawson in Market Street on the south side between the land of Stephen Ferny on the west and David Baxster in the east; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of the prior and convent of the church of St Andrews in Market Street on the north side between the land of the heirs of the deceased David Chalmers on the east and the land of the prior and convent on the west; a certain waste land in North Street on the north side between the land of John Swan on the east and William Christison on the west; an annual rent of thirty pence from the land of William Christison in North Street on the north side between the land of William Balmyle on the east and William Millar on the west; an annual rent of two shillings from the land of William Millar in North Street on the north side between the land of William Christison on the east and another land of William Millar on the west; an annual rent of two shillings from the land of William Millar in North Street on the north side between the waste of Richard Purrock on the west and a land of William Millar on the east; two particates of land lying together in crofts on the north side of North Street between the land of John Stele on the east and Thomas Rogerson on the west; another particule of land lying in crofts between the land of John Michaelson in the west and Thomas Rogerson on the east; two particates of land in crofts on the south side of the common way of Galwhil between the land of Marion Hardgate to the east and John Stele to the west; an annual rent of sixteen shillings from four particules of the land of Stanycroft lying at the end of the lands of the heirs of the deceased Deky Thomson and master Robert Murehouse. The which lands John and Marion have resigned into the hands of Roger Williamson bailie of St Andrews and other persons having an interest in the due and accustomed services. Done in the Domus Urbi of St Andrews on Wednesday 2nd April 1410 Witnesses: Master Thomas Cairns official of St Andrews, Robert Butler alderman, Roger Williamson and John Smyth bailies, John Bonar, Duncan Mason, Laurence Narn and others, citizens and parishioners of St Andrews Indenture concerning the construction of the new Parish Church of St Andrews (1410) Instrument narrating that Sir William Lindsay lord of the Byres gave, granted and by his charter confirmed to God and Holy Mother Church in pure and perpetual alms for the safety of the souls of himself and Christian his deceased wife and his successors and all the faithful departed, all his lands lying in the city of St Andrews in South Street on the north side thereof between the lands of Rankin Brabonar on the west and the common vennel that leads to the market cross of the said city on the east, lately purchased and acquired by him from Thomas Butler and John Scissoris with pertinences, so that the Parish Church might be transferred for the betterment on to the said lands with the consent of Henry bishop of St Andrews and that the prior and convent of St Andrews as true patrons and rectors thereof and the citizens and parishioners of the said church might build and erect thereupon in honour of the Holy Trinity a church with a row of pillars on each side through the nave; Therefore the citizens and community considering the zeal and affection of the said Sir William to God and the Church and to the citizens and parishioners have granted and promised to Sir William to erect a chapel to be founded in honour of the Holy Trinity in the eastern bay in the row of pillars on the south side of the church and worthily to ceil and trellis the same with an altar and two windows each with three openings sufficiently glazed and adorned with the arms of the said Sir William, one on the east and the other on the south with frames; and if the said Sir William wishes any alteration made in position or size of the chapel such alteration is to be estimated for by skilled men mutually chosen by them and him, and he promises to pay therefore, while they build and maintain the same for ever, and if he or his heirs fail in payment, work shall stop until payment is made. Moreover it shall be lawful to the said William and his heirs to found and endow the said chapel as a college or otherwise, the presentation of chaplains being in his hands while collation shall belong to the bishop of St Andrews; and whosoever of them wishes to be buried in the said chapel shall have free sepulchre. The work is to be begun at Christmas next and to be performed with all speed, and after the death of the said Sir William his anniversary is to be celebrated for ever with the ringing of a bell through the streets of the city, and they likewise promise that chaplains of the Holy Rood and of Our Lady shall on feast days in their masses and prayers recommend the soul of Sir William with a special collect. Henry bishop of St Andrews and James prior of St Andrews and the chapter intimate their consent by attaching their seals. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 16] Charter of Thomas Stewart esquire to James Haldenstone Prior of St Andrews To all who see or hear this charter Thomas Stewart esquire, citizen of the city of St Andrews, gives greetings in the Lord. You should know that I with the consent, agreement and assent of my dearest lord and master, namely Thomas Stewart archdeacon of St Andrews, give, grant and specifically sell, also selling and alienating from me and my heirs in perpetuity and by this present charter confirming to the venerable father in Christ and lord, Lord James Haldenstone, by divine sanction prior of the cathedral church of St Andrews, all my lands with their appurtenances lying in the aforesaid city in the north street of the same, between the land of William Forsyth on the east side, and the common vennel which leads to the castle on the west side, for fifty-two merks of usual money, which the said lord prior paid in full. Concerning the which sum of money I hold myself well paid and content and hold the said prior and his heirs and assigns free of claim in perpetuity through these present letters. The said lord prior and his heirs hold and possess all the said lands with their appurtenances from me and my heirs in fee and heritage freely, quietly and well in perpetuity and peace, with all and each liberties and rights … through all their proper boundaries, as well in length as width without retention or contradiction. The said lord prior, his heirs or assignees rendering for this property to the lord bishop of St Andrews who was for that time, the rents and services by burgage tenure for as much as is owed and customary for these lands, paying to me and my heirs and my assignees five shillings of usual money in two terms of the year, namely Pentecost and Martinmas … In testimony of the which, because I do not have my proper seal at present, I have borrowed the seal of my said lord archdeacon with the seal of the community of the city aforesaid attaching them to this my present charter, at St Andrews, the fourth day of the month of October A.D. 1422 before these witnesses, namely Master Thomas Stewart archdeacon of St Andrews, Thomas Ramsay, John Bawn and Thomas Williamson, for the time bailies of the said city, Thomas Wardlaw, Andrew Broun, John Fawhope, William Johnson, Richard Kyd, John Chalmers, James Lamby, John of Kenlochy and John Loch, citizens of the same city, and many others. Charter of Laurence of Lindores to the Parish Church of St Andrews Charter by Laurence of Lindores rector of Creich (diocese of St Andrews) and inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of Scotland, whereby having in honour of the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, Michael the Archangel and St Serf founded a new chaplainry in the new parish church of St Andrews at the altar of St Michael on the north side of the church near the column founded by John Carmichael, he, with the consent of Henry bishop of St Andrews grants and mortgages to God, the Virgin Mary, Michael the Archangel and St Serf and the chaplain serving the altar, for the health of the souls of Henry bishop of St Andrews, the granter’s father and mother, himself, his brother and sister and all the faithful, that the tenement belonging to him on the South Street, on the south side of the church of St Andrew between the land of Robert Skynnar on the west and the land of the deceased Sir John Menzies, knight, on the east; and thirty shillings annual rent from the tenement of Robert Skynnar on the said street, between David Broun on the west and his own on the east; five shillings from the tenement of William Smert in the said street between the land of Andrew Cameron on the east and the land of John Haldenstone on the west; paying for the granter’s tenants to the bishop of St Andrews an appropriate sum. Done at St Andrews on the first of December (1434) Witnesses: John Carmichael provost of St Andrew, Mr William Wishart chamberlain to the bishop of St Andrews, Mr Alexander of Casteltaris vicar of Forgan, Walter Monypenny of Kinkell, Thomas Arthur, William of Kinnaird, John Akeman, Duncan Gedy, John of Camroun and David Post – citizens of St Andrews Charter to the Blackfriars of St Andrews Charter by John Michaelson citizen of St Andrews giving and confirming to God and to the Virgin Mary and to the house of Friars Preacher and the friars thereof founded in the city of St Andrews, for the safety of the souls of himself and his wife Marjory, the annual rent of three shillings from certain lands with pertinences lying in the street which is called Argaile within the said city on the south side, between the lands of Adam Godherd on the west and that of the friars on the east. Done at St Andrews. The fourth day of August A.D. 1446. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 32] Resignation to Blackfriars of St Andrews John Alanson indweller of St Andrews resigns into the hands of Robert Arthur, one of the bailies thereof, with the consent of Thomas Peirson, an annual rent of six shillings and eight pence out of his yard, barn and threshing floor lying in South Street on the south side, between the yard or land of William Millar on the north and the lands of Thomas Rede on the east and the land of the heirs of the deceased Robert Wan on the west and the burn of the city on the south; the bailie gave sasine (possession) to Friar John Smyth, prior or custodian of the place of the Friars Preacher within the said city, for an anniversary with a requiem mass on the morning of the day of the said Thomas’ death. Done on the ground of the said yard. The fourteenth day of February, A.D. 1476 (1477). [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 65]
The Leges Burgorum, translated by Ann Matheson (2011)
i. Concerning the King’s rents in burgh tenures In the first, it must be considered what the rent of our lord the king in burgh tenure is. Each man gives the king for his burgh tenure that he defends, for each square perch of land (c 25 metres square) annually. ii. Concerning newly created burgesses Whoever is made a new burgess of our lord the king in the first shall swear loyalty to the king and to his baillies and to the community in which he has been made a burgess. iii. Concerning taking strangers(upland men) into custody in the burgh Any burgess can take into custody strangers (upland men) from beyond the market and outwith his home and without permission of the burgh grieve, but not if the market fairs are held in the burgh and not if he is in the king’s army or indeed engaged in the custody of the castle. iv. Poinding a burgess through another burgess A burgess cannot poind another burgess without the permission of the burgh grieve. v. Concerning things loaned by a burgess to a stranger (upland man) If a burgess has loaned to men from outside the burgh, if the debtor concedes the debt, he shall yield it and if he negates the debt he shall do the right thing (before the lawholders of the burgh) vi. Concerning complaints in the burgh Cases that arise in the burgh shall be held and determined except those that are under the king’s crown. And all quarrels that take place within the burgh must be ended within the burgh, except those that are under the king’s crown. Those that belong under the king’s crown must be registered and kept safe until the arrival of the Justice and then they shall be pleaded against and resolved in the burgess court before the Justice. vii. Concerning complaints outwith the burgh If a burgess is called concerning any complaint he shall not plead outside the burgh unless it is in default of court nor must he respond without a day or term specified unless he has earlier made a foolish response, with the exception of cases that fall to the king’s crown. And as far as those cases within the remit of the king are concerned, he must be judged by his equals according to the laws and courts of the burgh. viii. Concerning a complaint between a burgess and a merchant If a complaint is raised between a burgess and a merchant, it shall be ended within three tides of the sea. ix. Concerning merchandise that arrives in ships All merchandise that comes across the sea in ships shall be brought to land, except salt and herring that can be sold on the ship. x. Concerning land owned for a year and a day Anyone who has held his land for a year and a day that he has bought legally through the witness of twelve neighbours in peace and without challenge – whoever challenges him after one year and one day and if he is in the same family and at the same stage of life and he has not made a claim within the said time, he will never be heard. But if he is within the age or outwith the jurisdiction he shall not lose his right when he comes of age or is reinstated in the region of jurisdiction. xi. Concerning a rural dweller from outwith the burgh If a rural person (rustic) from outwith the burgh has a burgagium (land rented in the town)he shall not be held for burgh rent in another place in the same burgh in which he has his rented land. If indeed that burgess challenges a burgess living in the burgh, the latter burgess shall defend himself against the rustic according to the law. But if a burgess that lives day and night in the burgh challenges that foresaid rustic about anything from which battle might arise the rustic shall defend himself with battle against the burgess. xii. Concerning the challenge of a burgess by a stranger (upland man) If any stranger (upland man) shall challenge a burgess on any matter, he cannot fight against the burgess but can defend himself through the law of the burgh unless it be through treason or for a reason from which he must defend himself in battle. Nor can the burgess fight against the stranger (mountain man) unless he first leaves the burgh. xiii. Concerning the battle of the burgess The king’s burgess can have a battle concerning the burgess of the abbot, the prior, the earl or th baron, but not the other way round. xiv. Concerning the freedom of a burgess’s son The son of a burgess, as long as he is at his father’s table will have the same freedom to sell and buy as his father has departs from his father’s table, he will not enjoy the freedom of the burgh unless he himself becomes a burgess. xv. Concerning another man’s slave entering the burgh If the slave of any baron or soldier or anyone comes into the burgh and stays in his burgh tenure for one year and one day without challenging his masters or his baillie, he shall be free evermore as a burgess is and enjoy the freedom of that burgh. xvi. Concerning the foreign merchant No foreign merchant can buy wool or hides or other merchandise either outside or within the burgh unless they are bought from burgesses. xvii. Concerning bloodwit and suchlike things And let it be known that within the burgh bloodwit will not be heard nor stokisdynt nor market nor herezald nor any such things. xviii. Concerning ovens lawfully held Every burgess of the king may have an oven upon his own land but no one else other than the king’s burgess. xix. Concerning the forfeit of bread and ale If any man or woman in the burgh be in forfeit of bread or ale, no-one should admit them but the burgh grieves. If he/she fails twice, he/she shall be castigated for his/her forfeit. If he/she fails three times, justice shall be carried out upon him/her. If the burgh grieve fails to do justice on him/her, the body and personal property of the burgh grieve shall be in the king’s will. xx. Concerning the buying and dyeing of wool No one but a burgess can buy wool for dyeing or make or cut cloth. xxi. Concerning the disposal of lands of conquest Any burgess can give away or sell his lands of conquest and go wherever he wishes freely unless the lands are in dispute. xxii. Concerning a burgess who is too old to fight If any burgess be challenged to battle and excuses himself in his response, he shall not fight but through the oaths of eleven men like himself, he shall acquit himself. xxiii. Concerning the hereditary succession of a burgess who has died If the burgess has acquired land or lands in the burgh and has a son to inherit and has not assigned those lands to anyone before his death, his son or daughter shall inherit the land the father had on the exact day he died with the reservation that his wife, for her whole life as long as she remains a widow, will hold the inner part of the house which is called the flett . But the heir will have the outer part of the house if he wishes to live there. And this I say, that the wife shall not have any other portion. But if she has another dowry …she and the heir will enjoy the use of it. xxiv. Concerning a burgess who has several wives If any burgess has two wives and has acquired many lands and has produced children with each wife, all the lands he possessed on the day he died, also heritage from conquests he has not assigned to anyone, those lands acquired at the time of the first wife will go to the son and heir of the first wife. In the same way, the lands acquired in the time of the second wife will go to the son and heir of the second wife if they had not been assigned to anyone before his death. And the second wife will not remain in the house of the first heir after her husband has been dead for 40 days. xxv. Concerning dissent among foreign sailors If ships from different regions arrive in the king’s land of Scotland and dissent arises between such men within the king’s gate, the king’s baillies will hold right between them concerning any kind of quarrel any one of them would have with any other which has arisen in the lands of the king of Scotland. And if it shall fall that the challenger or defender has given his toll and done to the king’s land what he ought to do and his ship be in the coast, he will pass by in peace and one or the other shall seek his rights where he can. xxvi. Concerning the accusation of theft by an uplandman If a burgess is accused by and uplandman of theft found in his own house and in his possession and denies the theft as a free burgess against an uplandman and says he has no surety for it but had legally bought the object of contention in the burgh market he shall clear his name with the oaths of 12 of his neighbours and shall be acquiited of the accusation. And he shall swear he does not know when the door of the house of him from whom he bought that thing was closed or open. xxvii. Concerning a new burgess having kirset Whoever is made a new burgess of a wasteland and has no hospitable lands, can have kirset for the first year and after the first year shall have land he can build on . If after that it has been laid waste by fire or battle and he has other lands he can build on, he can leave that land without building on it until he has the wherewithal to rebuild it save on all solid ground ( Scots translation is ‘where the kings farm’) xxviii. Concerning oath swearing on account of debt (owed to a burgess) A burgess may through his own voice put him to oath, whoever that man may be, who has denied his debt to him. But if he is a knight who has denied the debt, the knight can put forward his steward or his grieve with other free men to make the oath if the burgess has no witnesses on his own behalf. xxix. Concerning an oath between a burgess and an uplandman If any complaint arises between a burgess and an uplandman , from which an oath shall be made, the burgess shall clear him with six hands of burgesses against him and he against the burgess with as many of his like. And if one can prove against the other, through witnesses, it is necessary to have a party of burgesses and a party of uplandmen in the contract. xxx. Concerning how to conduct the swearing of witnesses let it be known that he who brings witnesses in any quarrel to prove a point does not himself have to swear but the witnesses shall swear that they are telling the truth and it will be expressed in their oath that they do not say it on account of hatred of one or love for another, but for the sake of speaking the truth. And then the challenge and answers must be recorded in the presence of witnesses so that they can hear what they shall swear before they swear in the witnessing. xxxi. What a burgess can say on his wife’s behalf Any married man can respond on behalf of his espoused wife and stand in judgement and do for her anything in court if she is accused of anything. And it must be upheld that in the burgh courts Twertnay is used in defending right and wrong. xxxii. Concerning taking plunder from uplandmen Any burgess can poind item from outside the burgh for his debt inside and outside of his house. And if it sits on his horse, he does not have to put it down from his horse. And if it was taken before that day or came to re-enter as poinded before it was taken, it cannot be taken. But if any other man says it had been taken before that day he shall swear to that and have his plunder in peace. And it should be known that it is not necessary for a burgess to take any other pledge for his poind unless he wishes to. xxxiii. Concerning obstacles of custody There are four obstacles to impounding in the burgh. That is, if his master was in the king’s army or was in the king’s castle to guard it for a space of 40 days, if he comes to the courts or if he comes to the burgh for the purpose of buying his lord’s food. xxxiv. Concerning the borrowing of impoundings from rural areas Let it be known that uplandmen can borrow their plundered (beasts) three times from week to week and then three days and no more. And if they (the uplandmen) , out of perverseness, do not want to borrow them and they die of hunger, the burgess shall make them drag it out, whether it be a horse or another beast, but he will not flay it but hold it by the head and rump and afterwards impound another one. xxxv. Concerning those not permitted to be poinded No one can capture a fisherman carrying a fish to be sold unless it is for the fish or the fisherman’s debt. Nor those that bring wood or peats or for their own debts. xxxvi. Concerning the annual rent of the brewers Whoever brews throughout the year will give the alderman 4 denarios; 2 denarios for half a year. xxxvii. Concerning the rents of tradesmen and merchants Every tradesman shall settle with the burgh grieve and give him a halfpenny each market day. A merchant with a covered booth in the market place on market day shall give a halfpenny to the burgh grieve for custom. If the booth is not covered, he shall pay a farthing. xxxviii. Concerning oath-taking for breaking assize The burgh grieve may not put any man or woman under oath for breaking assize unless one has complained of another. And if he denies it and the other man does not have witnesses, then he shall clear him according to burgh law, that is to say by the sixth hand (?) xxxix. Concerning the maximum forfeit in the burgh Let it be known that the burgh forfeit does not exceed 8 solidos from those convicted in a grievance and judgements, but this is seldom taken. xL. Concerning the main courts throughout the year Be it known that there are three principal courts throughout the year where all burgesses should be present. The first is after the Feast of St Michael. the second after the birth of Christ, the third after Easter. Any burgess who does not attend, without being legally excused whether he is sick or out of the country or at the fairs, if he was in the burgh, will pay 4 denarios in forfeit. This will be 8 solidos if he is a burgess living in the country because he does not have to come to any courts through the year except these principal ones. xLi. Concerning burgh tenure given in a free marriage If anyone receives burgh tenure in a free marriage with any woman and has a son or daughter with her and , for some reason, the wife dies and, after the mother’s death, if the son or daughter lives or dies the man will enjoy use of that burgh tenure all his days but cannot pledge (pawn) it or sell it. And if, on the same day the son and daughter are born , the mother and child die, then the man can enjoy the use of it all his life. As long as the man has witness of twelve honest men or women neighbours that held the child scream or cry or yell. And so if he received many lands with his wife in marriage. If he has no child with his wife, the lands will go to his wife’s next heir. xLii. Concerning land sold out of necessity (for reason of poverty) All men can legitimately give or sell land he has from conquest to whomever he wishes. But if forced by poverty to sell his property he shall at the three principal meetings offer that land to the nearest heirs. If the nearest heirs want to buy that land , they shall find for him necessities such as food and clothing just as they would for themselves. The clothing should be of one colour, grey or white. If they are unwilling to do this or have not the ability to do this, it will be lawful for him to sell the aforesaid lands as well as he can to another person. And if the heir is outwith the kingdom in a neighboring kingdom, he should wait for 11 days. If in another kingdom, he should wait for two times 11 days and so on for farther kingdoms. If the heir is absent through illness for longer than the aforesaid term it will be lawful for the poor man to sell his lands where best he can. xLiii. Concerning the challenge of land within the burgh If any burgess is challenged of his lands or tenement in the burgh, he does not have to respond to his adversary without the king's letters, unless he wishes to do so spontaneously. And he who is challenged can run to delays and rational excuses once, twice and three times. And the fourth time he comes to warrant his excuses and respond to the baillies according to the law. xLiv. No burgess can take custody of another burgess No burgess can take custody of another burgess within the king’s burgh, but he shall come to his house with the town beadle and set him a day at the first court for him to come to answer to him if he will not repay the debt. If he does not come on the set day, he will be in forfeit and he will be summoned to come to the next court to answer and so forth. xLv. Concerning a challenge in pilgrimage Let it be known that if a man challenged for his land is in pilgrimage or in his errands in lands across the sea he will show his letters in court before the adversary and must wait until he comes home unless he has stayed absent for fraudulent reasons. And if so, according to what is written earlier, he must wait for a period of 11 days. xLvi. Concerning a castle and a burgess If any man from the castle has wronged a burgess of the burgh, he shall consult the law outside the gates. If any burgess has wronged a man of the castle, he shall consult the law in the burgh about him. xLvii. Concerning the organisation of litigation in the burgh Let it be known that from fifteen days to fifteen days litigation operates in the burgh for lands as well as for property and the arbitrator cannot, against the will of the man who seeks justice, set a day more than fifteen unless he ( the man seeking justice) wishes to or grants this or the arbitrator through the weakness of the court or the poverty of judgement prolongs the period. xLviii. Concerning measures and weights Every burgess can have in his house a measure, a rocking stone and weight to weigh his corn. And all measures and stones for weighing must be sealed with the burgh seal. And let it be known that anyone found with a false measure or weight will pay a forfeit. xLix. Concerning him who wants to be a king’s burgess No man can become the king’s burgess unless he does service to the king as far as pertains to a perch of land at least. L. Concerning destruction by fire If fire moves from any man’s house and sets fire to the many neighbouring houses, no accusation or trouble should be inflicted on him more than he has since he is affected by enough grief and anxiety. Similarly it is for him who has burned down another man’s corn kiln, but he shall lose his service. If a man loans his kiln to anyone , and it burns, he to whom it is loaned is held to restore it.. But if he has hired it for pennies and it burns he is not held to make restitution in any way. Li. Concerning the borrowing of a burgess outwith the burgh If a burgess is taken into custody outside his burgh for some debt or forfeit, his neighbours will go surety for him at their own expense if he is taken within the sherrifdom. But if he is taken outwith the sherrifdom, they will go on the expenses of the man who is taken. Lii. Concerning entering and leaving sold land Whoever sells his land or part of his land, he shall be in the house and shall leave and the other, who is the buyer, shall stand outside and enter. And one shall give the alderman a penny on leaving the land and the other shall give him a penny on entering the land and taking possession. But if they make a change of land between them, each one of them will give two pennies. Liii. Concerning legally taking property from a farm If a farmer will not pay you your maill (rent) at the end of the term, it is right lawful for you to take his property into your land within the house, without permission of the baillies. Liv. Concerning a stranger distrained in the burgh If a stranger owes any debt to a burgess, it is lawful for the burgess to take his property wherever he finds him in the burgh. And let it be known that the stranger can at no time cast lots, cut or cavyll with any burgess about any kind of merchandise unless during the fairs when anyone may cast lots and cavyll. Lv. Concerning goods lent to the baillies of the castle No burgess shall lend to the baillies of the castle through assize and law of the town except to the value of 40 denarii for their goods and that through the space of 40 days. And if within that 40 day term they have not paid back, he will not give them more unless the burgess wants to do so of his own free will. Lvi. Concerning a burgess summoned to the king’s court. Whoever the burgess may be and he is challenged about some complaint in whatever fee he holds, he will come to the king’s court and offer a legal defence that he will pay the correct penalty to the alderman in his own burgh court. But if he is summoned by a beadle before sufficient witnesses and does not come to the king’s court, the king’s baillie shall come to the warden of that fee and will take a full forfeit from him if he does not have the right defence. But if he comes to the king’s court and there gives a full response and makes no mention of his freedom or his lord’s fee, he will make full right in he king’s court. Lvii. Concerning a burgess challenged and not having surety If any burgess is challenged or blamed for any misdeed and cannot have burgh surety, the town burgesses can keep him in his own house in bonds for 15 days. After that, if he has no surety, his neighbours shall lead him to the king’s baillie and there he will be received by them and led to the home of the king’s beadle if the burgesses do not have a prison, and there he will be guarded from his challenges. Indeed the beadle shall find for him good strong bonds. Lviii.Concerning a person in the burgh smitten with leprosy If anyone living or born in the king’s burgh is smitten with leprosy and if he has means through which he can be sustained and clothed, he will be put in the burgh hospital. And if has nothing of his own to live on, the town burgesses will make a collection among themselves by which they will sustain and clothe him up to the value of 20 shillings. Lepers may not enter the town, neither going from door to door nor passing through the town, but shall sit outside the town and there seek alms from those entering and leaving. Furthermore no man must offer shelter to any leper within the burgh on payment of a full fine. Lix. The sale of bread or ale by baillies No alderman baillie nor beadle can make bread or ale to sell. Lx. Concerning bakers and fish sellers Bakers who make bread for sale make white and grey bread according to the price and approval of the good men of the town as the time demands. And the baker will have to win from each chalder after, as it shall be seen by the good men of the town . Also no one who makes bread for sale may hide it but will place it in his window or in the market where it will be sold to the general public. And he who has been convicted for not doing so will pay 8 shillings forfeit and the bread that was hidden will be given out to the poor. And the same goes for sellers of fish. Lxi. Concerning the customs of ovens Whoever has his own oven shall hold in the furnace the customs of our lord the king after the approval of the good men of the town. To wit, that no one will have in his oven more than 4 servants or a master , two servants and a hireling. The lord of the oven shall have each time for his oven a halfpenny (or bread), the master of the oven a halfpenny, the two servants one denarius and the hireling a farthing. And these men must be loyal and of good reputation and shall swear loyalty to the king and the town community. Lxii. Concerning servants in the mill Whoever serve in the king’s mill or have it to farm shall not have servants in the mill without the approval of the good men of town and those who are loyal with good reputation will swear loyalty to the king and to their masters and men who come to the mill. The multure must be taken and saved for their masters. For men coming to the mill, for corn to be kept and the correct multure to be taken , for the location of the mill known as their realm – all of these must be loyally held by each one of them. Lxiii. Concerning the office of maltster (brewer) and their forfeits Whatever woman wants to brew ale for sale shall brew for the whole year, according to the custom of the town. If she does not do this for a year and a day, she shall be suspended from her office. And if she makes ale . And if she makes approved ale for that time she will stand well. But if she makes bad ale and against the custom of the town and is convicted for this, she will give 8 shillings in forfeit or endure the justice of the town viz she will be placed upon the cookstool and two parts of the ale will be given to the poor and the third part to the brothers of the hospital. The same judgement will be made for mead as for bad ale. And every brewster shall put a sign for beer outside her house at her window or above her door so that it is visible to all and sundry. If she does not do this, she will pay a fine of four denarios . Lxiv. Concerning the office of fleshers (butchers) Whoever wants to sell meat shall sell good meat i.e. beef, mutton and pork and shall sell it after the approval of the good men of the town and shall place these in his window so that all who want to buy shall see them. Moreover, fleshers shall serve the burgesses in time of slaughter, that is to say from the Feast of St Martin up to Christmas, from the meat to be prepared and made ready in their larders. Further, if bad meat is prepared, the flesher will return the damaged meat to him who owned the beasts. While fleshers serve the burgesses, they shall eat at their table with their servants. And they shall have a halfpenny for one cow or ox, or for 5 sheep or for a pig. Lxv. Concerning animals to be sold and slaughtered No one living outside the burgh of our lord the king shall buy beasts for slaughtering before the third beat (ie mid-morning) in winter and the first in summer. Moreover, the proper fleshers of the burgh shall buy beasts for the town’s use at any hour of the day. And no flesher shall slaughter or sell beasts at night, but in broad daylight and in his booth with the window open. And he who is convicted of doing otherwise shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Lxvi. Concerning hawkers Hawkers who buy and re-sell for profit shall not buy anything for re-selling before the third bell in winter and the first in summer. They shall neither buy nor receive wool worked or any colour but white, nor yarn, nor any suchlike items except during the time of the fairs. And if anyone is convicted on this he will pay a fine of 8 shillings and shall lose the items of this kind that he has purchased. Lxvii. Concerning sellers in general in the burgh All sellers in general, i.e. sellers of ale, bread, meat or fish, shall sell to everyone, to those passing through as well as those entering and leaving and they shall not keep anything in their houses for the use of their household except to the value of 4 denarios for all that is left for anyone to buy. And anyone convicted of behaving otherwise shall be fined 8 shillings. Lxviii. Concerning false weights or measures If anyone has knowingly given false weight or measure either in wool or in animal tallow or pig lard or any such items and is convicted for this, he will pay a fine of 8 shillings (and be subjected to the town’s judgement) . And then he will be chastised by the baillies of the burgh by being fined for the first second and third time. On the fourth time, he will be at the king’s mercy for his life and limb for such falsehood is a matter for the king and the burgh forfeit does not exceed 8 shillings. And in this case, the king’s fine is ten pounds so it is a matter for the king. Lxix. Concerning the public crier consenting to falsity If the public crier in the king’s burgh consents to falsity or takes any reward for lowering or diminishing the town’s constitution and is thereby convicted he shall pay 8 shillings fine and shall be stripped of office and his hire and will nevermore be trusted. Lxx. Concerning the election of burgh officials At the first court after the Feast of St Michael, the aldermen and baillies shall be chosen through the council of the good men of the town who are loyal and of good reputation. And they shall swear loyalty to the king and the burgesses. They shall also swear faithfully to maintain the customs of the town ( and they shall not make judgement on any man or woman) on account of anger or hatred or fear or love of anyone but through the stated counsel and law of the good men of the town. They shall also swear that neither for fear nor love nor hatred of anyone nor for blood relationship nor for loss of money, they shall spare to do justice to all men. Lxxi. On choosing the criers in the burgh The criers shall be chosen communally by all the burgesses who are loyal and of good repute and they shall swear loyalty to the king and the burgh officials and the burgesses in full court. Lxxii. Concerning forestallers in the burgh No one living in or outside the burgh shall be so bold on market day as to go out through the gates of the burgh to buy anything before it comes within the town gates. And whoever is convicted of this shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Lxxiii. Concerning fish brought for sale Anyone bringing fish into the town for sale shall not take it to any house but to the king’s market if he comes through the day. If he comes by night, he shall find a place to stay until morning and then, when the time comes, all of it untouched shall be brought to the king’s market and sold communally to those wishing to buy it. And no one can take it upon himself to buy fish at the sea or anywhere else for it to be resold in the king’s market. And anyone convicted of this shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. If any fisherman is accustomed to come by night and steal fish for the sake of profit or ‘evil genius’ - if convicted, he shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Also no man who buys fish to be resold shall buy them or gut them before the first hour in summer and before the third hour in winter. And if so convicted, he shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Lxxiv. Concerning a burgess taken into custody for any misdeed If any burgess is arrested for any misdeed and is kept by his challengers within the burgh and says he has surety, he will be led by his challengers through the burgh to the house in which he says he has surety if he is taken captive by day. If he is taken by night with a cry he will be kept and guarded by his challengers and the town guards until the morning so that his nearby neighbours know why he was captured so that if he can have surety, he shall have it. If not, he shall be led to the crier’s house and there guarded by his challengers if they do not have a prison, until he is permitted judgement. Lxxv. Concerning the time of coming to litigation in the burgh Whoever ought to take right or do right in the burgh shall come to the litigation (sessions) in winter before the third hour and in summer before the first hour. And if he comes before judgements have been made, the appellant will call his appeal and the man who is challenged shall reply in the presence of the baillies and the worthy men of the town in full court. And after the appeal and response, lawful judgement shall be given in court. And if he does not come within their spoken terms, he shall lose his case on that day unless he has a lawful excuse. Lxxvi. Concerning challenges made by aldermen or baillies If the aldermen or the town criers have a challenge against any man or men they can not nor should they lead witnesses against them in any court or challenge but the defending party shall acquit himself lawfully. Lxxvii. Concerning the protection of pilgrims If any man has passed through the king’s burgh as a pilgrim, with the permission of the church and his neighbours, to the holy land or to Saint James or to any other holy place on pilgrimage his house and household will be in the peace of our lord the king and of the burgh officials until God brings him home again. Lxxviii. Concerning a man challenged by many challenges If any man is challenged through another man by many challenges, he will not be held to respond in one day, unless he wants to. But he will be held to respond to sundry men concerning sundry challenges. Lxxix. Concerning land put in pledge in the burgh If any man has land placed in pledge he can redeem it when he wishes, unless it was pledged for a fixed time. And when that term is still running, his pledge can be offered to him at three court meetings. And if he does not want to redeem it, it shall be sold and the creditor will take his debt. And whatever remains shall be given to him who owed the debt. Lxxx. Concerning those who are within (under) age No one within age in the burgh may swear oath or bear witness or make answer, but his guardian or protector in whose custody he is can answer on his behalf and receive judgement after the custom of the burgh and the consideration of the worthy men of the town. Lxxxi. Concerning the manner of the burgh watch For every house in which a man lives who can watch with reason one will be held to watch for cause of danger who when the watchstaff does his rounds from door to door must come forth someone of man’s age who will go out with two weapons when the curfew rings and so shall watch wisely and carefully until dawn. And if anyone fails in this, he will pay 4 denarios, except for widows/single women. Lxxxii. Concerning the complaint of a man made blue and bloody If a man has made another man (black and) blue and bloody by beating him, the injured man must be heard first whether he comes first or not to make a complaint. And if they are both blue and bloody, he who complains first shall be heard first. Lxxxiii. Concerning those convicted of giving false witness Whoever is convicted of perjury or giving false witness shall never more be heard in giving judgement or bearing witness. Lxxxiv. Concerning having pigs in the burgh No burgess living in the burgh is allowed to keep pigs unless he has a keeper following them or feeds them in a sty so that his neighbours do not incur damage. Lxxxv. Concerning not putting up men arriving in the burgh No one living in the burgh ought to give hospitality to any arrival for more than one night unless he wants to become surety for him. Lxxxvi. Concerning establishing peace in the fairs This is the constitution of the peace of fairs in the king’s burgh on this half of the Forth, that is to say, after the peace of fairs has been proclaimed, no one will be captured nor attached in those fairs unless he has broken the peace of the fairs in coming to the fairs or indeed going back or in lingering in those fairs. Or unless he was the king’s outlaw or traitor or such an evil-doer whom the church’s grace ought not to defend. If any such evil-doer either breaks the peace of the fairs, he will be kept securely until the courts of the fairs. And then he shall stand and receive the judgement on that of which he was accused. Lxxxvii. Concerning stolen goods found in fairs If a man finds something in the fair which he says was snatched or stolen from him or lost, he ought to lead him with whom the thing is found to the baillies of the fair and before them he ought to name his master and where he has his house and to find a pledge, in the presence of the baillies of the fair, from the challenger that on the 15th day after the fair he will have the thing that is challenged in a place which the baillies have nominated and there he shall stand to right to his challenger. And if he has no surety, the baillies ought to keep the item until he finds surety for the challenger or else until the courts of the fairs. And if the challenger then comes and finds surety as has been said then the thing will be given to him and the challenger can prosecute his quarrel. But if the challenged man does not come to the courts , the thing will be given to the challenger under good and secure oaths so that if anyone else comes and wants to speak, he shall , at the summoning of the baillies, bring the thing to the place where he got it in the same state as he found it or give the value of the thing if the thing is lost or deteriorated in his keeping and there to do what is just concerning it. Lxxxviii. Concerning fugitives found in fairs If any man finds his bondman who has fled from him in the fair , during the peace of the fair he cannot chase or take him. Lxxxix. Concerning a burgess who has drawn another into making a pledge If a burgess draws another burgess into a pledge and the debtor dies and the heir does not have the wherewithal to pay his father’s debt excluding the lands which his father has left him he must use the lands as surety for 40 days. And within the 40 days he can offer the said lands at three head courts to his nearest relations and friends. But if they do not want to buy or acquire them, it is lawful in the pledge to sell the foresaid lands where best he can and repay the creditor and the debtor keeps what is left. xc. Concerning a burgess who owes debt If a burgess owes anyone a debt and at the term has not the wherewithal to pay it except for his lands, the creditor shall keep these lands for a year and a day and within the year and a day offer these lands to his neighbours and friends. And if they do not want to buy or acquire them, the creditor can sell the lands wherever he wishes. And if there is anything left over, it will be given to the debtor. xci. Concerning fraudulent redemption of land sales If any burgess sells his land for reason of necessity and it has been offered to his nearest relatives and they did not have the money to but it in the purchasing time and afterwards when he saw the said land looked after and productive then some man from among the aforesaid relatives comes and offers to buy it with money fraudulently borrowed, he ought not to be heard nor can he deal with the buyer again in any way. xcii. Concerning excuses in the burgh Be it known that no excuse is permitted in the burgh in any dispute about challenged land unless a man is proven to be ill by witnesses or he is in the king’s service or has travelled to the fairs. xciii. Concerning the shoemaker’s tanning No shoemaker tanner can buy hides for tanning at a higher price than that which has horns and ears of equal length. xciv. Concerning the merchant guild No dyer or butcher or shoemaker can be in the merchant guild unless he swears to carry out his craft with his own hands but with servants under him. xcv. Concerning lands given for feu farm It is ordained that if any man gives his land in feu farm to another man, with a named farm saved for himself and his family and afterwards the feu farmer (to whom the land has been let) from necessity wants to sell the land, he who gave the said land to feu farm and his heirs shall have a greater right to buy that land than anyone else. xcvi. Concerning a man who admits to having done wrong If any man challenges another man for having beaten him or done him any harm and places to his loss 100 marks or as much as he wants and the challenged man in reply denies the wrong and the unlawfulness and says ‘ I grant that I have done other than I ought to have done to you and I am prepared to make amends in the presence of worthy men’ – in this way he shall amend it. And if he does not make such a response but sustains his whole claim and wholly denies it and at the day of law he fails in his acquittal, he will be convicted and condemned to all the harm his adversary can put upon him. xcvii. Concerning taking a burgess from another burgh into custody No one can poind his neighbour from another burgh debt or trespass unless he is his chief debtor or ower of a pledge unless the baillie has failed to give him justice because he is absent. xcviii. Concerning the custody of a burgess’s heir If it happens that a burgess dies, his heir, if under age, and his cattle will be in the custody of his family on his mother’s side and the whole inheritance shall be in the custody of the family on his father’s side. xcix. Concerning a burgess evicted from his property This is the assize of Newcastle, that when any burgess is in possession of any land whether rightly or wrongly and another man comes along saying he is the true heir of that land and evicts from the foresaid land and property on his own authority and without jurisdiction. Whether it is asked (of the burgesses) that he who first was in the property should recover his seizing from the man who evicted him before he can answer him. And the reply given is that he was first in the property rightly or wrongly must always first recover his property and hold it or lose it in legal procedure. And the person who evicts him will be in forfeiture to our lord the king. c. Concerning mis-calling the alderman If anyone miscalls the alderman in full court, he must with his friends deny it with open mouth, saying that he has lied and with a pledge for mercy. And afterwards he will swear upon the holy sacrament that he never knew anything bad about him. And if he miscalls him on other occasions, he will be placed in jurisdiction of the alderman and his neighbours until he makes amends. ci. Concerning a burgess not transferring lands if he is ill It is the custom of the burgh that no burgess who is on his death bed can transfer any lands which he owns by inheritance or which he has acquired when in health from the very heir nor give nor sell to anyone from his heritable property unless he is heavily burdened through need, since need has no law. Or that his heir can not or does not want to deliver him from all his debt. cii. Concerning the castellan in the town No castellan should enter a burgess’s home for the purpose of killing pigs or piglets or geese or hens. But if he comes to the burgess’s door and asks if he has any of the foresaid be there to sell for the king’s majesty. And if he has, he shall sell. And if he has and does not wish to sell and they are found in the street the castellan is permitted to kill them and the neighbours will price that beast and the price will be given to its owner. And the castellans shall not do this except for three times in the year, that is before Yule, Easter and Whit Sunday and not outside the burgh. ciii. Concerning wool-combers leaving the burgh If wool-combers leave the burgh (for rural work) while there is enough work for them in the burgh)they will be captured and imprisoned. civ. Concerning widows selling in the burgh If a widow living in the burgh wants to trade with her neighbours, she must help them in all things and vice versa. cv. Concerning the election of liners within the burgh The alderman in the presence and counsel of the community should choose liners, at least 4 wise and discreet men so that no complaint will come to the king’s room for defective lining. And if a complaint does come, all will be in forfeit, the baillies as well as the liners. And the aforesaid liners will swear that they will line accurately in length and breadth both at the front and at the back part of the land according to the correct old burgh divisions. cvi. Concerning the transfer of the chief tenement No man can transfer his chief dwelling house away from his heir, nor give it to his wife as a dowery, if he has anything else or other lands to be given as a dowry or else it has to be sold through need. cvii. Concerning the transfer of lands through necessity If it happens that any man having lands from heritage or conquest and loves his son and heir so much that he gives his son all his lands within his legal power. And afterwards and inexplicable need comes to the father and he shows his need and that son does not want to help his father, the father can sell or mortgage those lands from heritage and conquest to anyone he chooses. And his poverty must be proven before the sale or transfer by the oaths of 12 legal and honest men, that is 4 living in one part of the land being sold, 4 from another and 4 living across from the house or the transfer will be null and void. cviii. Concerning lands given by a father to his children If a man has several lands and several children and gives a land to one of them and it happens that all the boys and are under age and in their father’s custody. Then, perchance, after the father’s death, the heir says that the gift from his father was valueless as, for his lifetime, the father took the fruits of these lands. But in this matter, the heir must not be heard, since the father gave the lands in his legal power. cix. Concerning excuses and delays Be it understood that as many excuses(for not appearing in court) and delays an appellant has, a defender will have the same in cases of damages or injuries or challenges over land, since , in as many ways as a thing of one kind is said, there are just as many ways of saying the rest. cx. Concerning a summons made by the king’s servants Be it known that a summons made to a burgess within the burgh by the king’s servants must not be heard without the beadle being present. cxi. Concerning possession (of land) granted in the burgh If possession is given in the burgh before the neighbours of the burgh, although it is outwith the court and has not been spoken about in the court beforehand, nevertheless the possession shall suffice well enough. cxii. Concerning the keeping of laws in the burgh In every burgh of the kingdom of Scotland, the chief man (mayor or alderman) of that burgh shall make 12 of the most capable and most discreet legal burgesses swear by oath that they shall preserve and maintain all laws and just customs as legally as they can. cxiii. Concerning debt and borrowing For a debt, there will be one debtor and one pledge and one forfeit for a misdeed. And although there may be several borrowers, there will be only one merciment. cxiv. Concerning the sale of hereditary burgage If any heritage of burgage falls to any man or woman in the burgh or sisters on the father’s or mother’s side. and it is necessary for him or them or one of them, on account of their poverty, to sell or mortgage or farm-let it or dispose of it in any way, it is not lawful for him/her or them or any one of them to sell, mortgage or farm let or in any other way to dispose of the aforesaid burgage to any stranger, if the nearest heirs want to buy it or take it in mortgage or farm let. cxv. Concerning the dividing up of a burgess’s goods It is the custom in all Scottish burghs from time immemorial that if any burgess has children by his legal wife and he dies, the third part of all his goods is owed to the sons and daughters. But his legal firstborn son and heir of the husband and wife shall have the same portion of goods as the other children that is equal to that of the other children unless the firstborn has been put out of the family. cxvi. Concerning equipment and household goods pertaining to a burgess’s heir If a male or female burgess dies in the burgh, whether he/she has mad a testament or not, concerning everything he/she will give to the their heirs, utensils for the house, e.g. the best table, cover, towel, basin, ewer, the best bed with the sheets and other bedcovers feather bed, lead with a musket, wine barrel, brewing vat, flagon, cauldron, three-legged stand, fire-place, pitcher, crook. These things from the house cannot be left in legacy. Also whatever is built, planted or sown all goes with the ground. Also he shall have a chest, storage chest, plough, farm cart, chariot (2-wheeled cart), a quantity of lead , brass pot, frying pan, iron bowl, girdle, mortar, pestle, platter, 12 spoons, a bench, a foot-stool, a wooden sled (to separate wheat from chaff), scales with weights, a spade, an axe. And if the land is inherited, all those things are known to pertain to the heritable right. But they can be sold legitimately if the master has been forced to do so out of necessity or poverty and that will be witnessed by the burgesses. And concerning the aforesaid equipment and household goods all and single, the best things belong to the heir. cxvii. Concerning a burgess attached within the burgh If any man living in the burgh is attached for any reason through the king’s baillies, he shall not be taken outwith the freedom of the burgh to the castle or any enclosed place unless he has no security. cxviii. Concerning the transgression of a burgess’s wife If a burgess’s wife offends her neighbour in any way and finds persons to stand as surety for her to the law without the consent of her husband and if in the court she falls into a foolish response and is convicted for any transgression she has committed by the judge, her husband is not beholden to answer either for her crime or for mercy or for petition or grievance beyond the sum of 4 denarios unless he wants to. Nevertheless, he shall consider her ignorant and behaving negligently without her husband’s counsel , and shall chastise her as if she was a child since she acted outwith his authority. cix. Concerning the lining of land in the burgh If any land is lined in the burgh by the baillies and honest men with either party present and they lay the marks and sasine of those marks is held and in use for one year and one day, it cannot be lined in another way . But if any mark is removed, the baillie will be held to the complainer.
The Burgh Laws can be found, along with other material, in: R. Renwick (ed.), The Ancient Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scotland (Edinburgh : Scottish Burgh Records Society, 1868-1910). http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/search/Y?search=ancient+laws+and+customs+of+the+burghs+of+scotland
The St Andrews Foundation Legend A Translated by Professor Dauvit Broun Andrew, which according to Hebrew etymology is translated ‘beautiful’ or ‘responding’, is nonetheless translated ‘manly’, from ‘man’ in the Greek language. Brother of the blessed apostle Peter as far as the flesh is concerned, but his co-heir in grace; the first apostle chosen by Our Lord Jesus Christ according to John the Evangelist, but second according to Matthew and Mark; he received by lot as his mission the northern nations, that is the Scythians and Picts, finally the Achaians and the city called Patras where, furthermore, he was crucified on November 30th; and he was interred there. And there his bones were kept for a period of about 273 years until the time of Constantine the Great son of Helen and his sons, that is Constantius and Constantine with Constans. In their reign they were taken up and translated out of there in a marvellous and famous procession by the citizens of Constantinople, and re-interred there at Constantinople with great glory and the greatest honour; and they remained there throughout until the time of the Christian emperor Theodosiusthat is to say, for a period of 110 years. At that timenot by chance but by divine instigationa king of the Picts called Ungus son of Urguist, rising up with a great army, killing with the cruellest devastation the British nations living in the south part of this island, finally reached the plain of Mercia and wintered there. Then all the peoples of nearly the whole island, coming with a united force, surrounded him, intending to destroy him and his army completely. Next day, the aforementioned king went out for a walk with his seven most intimate companions, and a divine light shone around them, and they fell forward onto their faces, unable to bear it (the light). And lo, a voice was heard from heaven: ‘Ungus, Ungus, hear me, an apostle of Christ, Andrew by name, who am sent to defend and protect you. Get up, behold the image of the cross of Christ which stands in the sky and will go before you against your enemies: nevertheless, offer a tenth part of your inheritance in alms to God Almighty and in honour of St Andrew His apostle. Now on the third day, advised by the divine voice, he (Ungus) divided his army into thirteen troops, and the image of the cross went in front of each division, and a divine light shone from the top of each and every image. Thereupon they became victors. They gave thanks to God Almighty and St Andrew the apostle; and, arriving home unharmed, they willingly gave a tenth part of Ungus’ inheritance to God and to the venerable apostle St Andrew, fulfilling what is written: ‘give alms and, behold, all things are clean for you’. They were uncertain, however, in which place they might specially assign God’s tribute and the chief city of the apostle St Andrew. When they (the Picts) had taken counsel, fasted for periods of two, three and four days, and beseeched the mercy of Almighty God, one of the guardians of the body of St Andrew the apostle at Constantinople was admonished and instructed by a divine vision, saying: ‘go from your land and from your family and the house of your father, and make your way to the land I will have revealed to you’. Thereupon he came with an angel attending and guarding his way, [and] he arrived successfully at the top of the king’s hill, that is Rígmonaid. The same hour in which he had encamped there, tired, with his seven companions, a divine light shone around the king of the Picts who was coming with his army to a special place which is called Cartenan. And they fell on their faces, unable to bear the brightness. And the lame and blind were healed to the number of seven. And one of the blind, blind from birth, was able to see; and then he saw a place filled with a visitation of angels, and at once called out in a loud voice, saying: ‘behold, I see a place filled with a visitation of angels!’ Finally, according to God’s design, the king came with his army to the place which the Lord showed the blind man to whom He had given sight. Regulus, a monk from the city of Constantinople, indeed, met the king at the gate called Matha (that is Mordorus) with the relics of St Andrew the apostle which he had brought with him from there (i.e. Constantinople) to here. And citizens and foreigners exchanged greetings, and put up their tents there, where the king’s hall now is. King Ungus, indeed, gave this place and this city to Almighty God and to St Andrew the apostle in freedom for ever, that it might be the head and mother of all churches which are in the kingdom of the Scots. For pilgrims come together to this city, palmers from JerusalemRomans, Greeks, Armenians, Teutons, Germans, Saxons, Danes, Galicians, Gauls, English, Britons; men and women; rich and poor; the healthy and the sick; the lame and the blind; and the weak, brought here by horse and vehicle: and they are cured for all to see through the mercy of God, to the honour and glory of His own chief saint, Andrew the apostle. Through His own saint, Andrew the apostle, the Lord has performed, performs, and will for ever perform here miracles and signs and innumerable marvels which cannot be recorded here now. The monk Regulus, indeed, became abbot [and] lived the monastic life in this place, serving God by day and by night in holiness and justice all the days of his life with his own dear companions, whose bodies found rest here. They planted vegetable gardens where there is now the house of Master Samuel and his ancestors and successors. Moreover, working with their own hands they made a mill; and they built everything which belongs honourably and honestly to the monks. But Britain, the whole island, had been taught in Christianity before the Picts and Scots had entered it. But the greatest enlargement of faith was made for all faithful Christians of that island because the Lord deigned to send so distinguished and great a pastor to them, a preacher after the pattern of Andrew the apostle, first disciple of Our Lord Jesus Christ. And so the archepiscopacy of all Scotia ought to be [exercised] from this city, where the apostolic seat is. No bishop ought to be ordained in Scotia without the approval of the elders of this place. Indeed, in relation to the first Rome this is the second; this is a pre-eminent city of refuge; this is the city of cities of Scotia, to which Our Lord gave these columns as a support: that is, Archbishop Giric, Mac Bethad, and Gregoir, with other brothers of theirs. I beseech the Lord that I may always partake with them of the kingdom of heaven. Amen. The St Andrews Foundation Legend B Translated by Dr Simon Taylor In the year of the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ 345 Constantius grandson of Constantine son of Helena gathered a great army to plunder the city of Patras in order to avenge the execution of the blessed Andrew the Apostle of Christ, and to remove from there his remains. But on the third night, before the emperor entered the city with his army, an angel of God descending from Heaven appeared to the holy men who were guarding the remains of St Andrew the Apostle, and ordered the holy bishop Regulus to go with his clerics to the sarcophagus, in which were deposited the bones of the blessed Andrew, and to take from there three fingers of his right hand, and the arm between the elbow and the shoulder, and the knee-cap from his knee, and one of his teeth. They took these parts of his remains, just as the angel had commanded them, and put them in a very secret place. The following day after these relics had been put away, Emperor Constantius came at dawn with his army and plundered both the city and the province; and took with him to Rome the casket in which he found the rest of the bones of the holy apostle had been placed. On his arrival there he ravaged the island of the Tiber, and the Colosseum, and took with him from there to Constantinople the bones of St Luke the Evangelist, and of Timothy the disciple of the blessed Paul the apostle, along with the remains of the blessed Andrew. At that time Hungus son of Forso, the great king of the Picts, gathered his army against Athelstan the king of the Saxons, and pitched camp at the mouth of the river Tyne. That very night, before the two armies met, the blessed Andrew appeared to Hungus king of the Picts in his sleep, saying to him that the apostle himself would on the following day overcome the enemy army in such a way that Hungus would triumph fully over his enemies. To whom the king said; ‘Who are you? And where do you come from?’ The blessed Andrew replied saying, ‘I am Andrew, apostle of Christ, and now I have come from Heaven, sent by God, to reveal to you that tomorrow I will overcome your enemies, and subjugate them to you, and having obtained a happy victory you will return home unharmed with your army, and my remains will be brought into your kingdom, and the place to which they will be brought with all honour and veneration will be famous until the last day of time.’ With these words he vanished. So the king, on waking from his dream, told his men what the blessed Andrew had revealed to him while he slept. When they heard these things, the people of the Picts rejoiced and swore that they would with all diligence and for all time show veneration to the blessed Andrew, if those things which he had shown to their king were brought about. On the following day the Picts, made joyful by the Apostle's promise, prepared for battle; and having divided up the army they set seven ranks around their king. The Saxons divided up their army and took up a close formation around their king Athelstan in fourteen ranks. When battle was joined the Saxons, immediately deprived of all courage, by God’s will, and with the holy apostle Andrew intervening on the side of the Picts, turned in flight. The head of Athelstan, king of the Saxons, was cut off, and countless Saxons were slaughtered. And King Hungus, possessed of victory, returning with no small army to his own land, ordered Athelstan's head to be brought with him and he had it fixed on a wooden stake in the place which is called Ardchinnechena within the harbour now called Queen’s Ferry. After this victory obtained by heavenly means the Saxons never dared attack the Picts. After a few days had passed after the happy victory of this war, the angel of God again came from Heaven to the blessed bishop Regulus, whom he addressed thus: ‘By command of God on high do not delay to go to northern parts, towards the rising sun, with the remains of Andrew the disciple of Christ which at our warning you recently kept back; and in whatever place the ship which will carry you and your company across the sea is wrecked, with no danger to you or your companions, there you will lay the foundations of a church in the name of the Lord and of his Apostle Andrew. For that place will be for you and your companions your resting place forever, and there will be your resurrection on the day of the last judgment.’ And Bishop Regulus, according to the precept of the angel, accompanied by holy men, with the remains of the holy apostle, sailed towards the north, and for the space of one and a half years, driven by many violent storm winds, founded an oratory in honour of St Andrew wherever throughout the islands of the sea of Greece he was brought to land. And so the holy men, having suffered innumerable toils along the sea coasts, with God as their guide, directed their sail towards the north, and landed on the night of St Michael in the land of the Picts, at a place which had been called Muckros, but is now called Kilrymonth. Muckros means ‘wood of pigs’. After the ship in which they were sailing had been wrecked on the rocks, they pitched tents for themselves there and fixed in the ground a cross which they had brought with them from Patras as a sign of the sacred things which they had brought, and as a protection against the snares of demons. And there they remained for 7 days and as many nights. And leaving the older men there, St. Damian and his brother Merinach, to guard the place, Regulus and the other men went to Forteviot with the relics of the most holy apostle Andrew, and there they found the three sons of King Hungus, Eoganán and Nechtan and Finguine Garb, and because their father was at that time on an expedition in Argyll, for whose life the sons were much concerned, they gave a tenth part of the city of Forteviot to God and St Andrew. Having erected a cross there the holy men blessed the place and those who dwelt there, the sons of the king. Then they went to Monethatha, which is now called Mondynes, and there the queen Finchem gave birth to a daughter to King Hungus, who was called Mouren. The body of the virgin Mouren is buried at Kilrymonth, and no-one was buried there before her. Queen Finchem gave the house in which she had given birth to her daughter Mouren to God and St Andrew, and all the royal enclosure for ever. And having erected a cross there, they blessed the queen and that place. Then they crossed the mountains, i.e. the Mounth, and came to a place which was called Doldauha but now called Kindrochit-Alian. There the great king Hungus, on his way back from his expedition, met the holy men, and prostrated himself with all humility and reverence in front of the relics of St Andrew the Apostle when they were shown to him; and all the noble Picts who were with him prostrated themselves in front of the relics like their humble king. And the king gave to God and the holy apostle Andrew that place i.e. Doldauha, and built a church on the spot where the bare relics had been shown him. Then the king with the holy men crossed the mountains i.e. the Mounth and came to Mondynes. And there he built a church in honour of God and the blessed Apostle. And so the king with his holy men came to Forteviot, and there he built a basilica to God and the Apostle. Afterwards King Hungus, with the holy men, came to Kilrymonth, and, going round the big site of the place, offered it to God and to Saint Andrew the Apostle to build there basilicas and oratories. Out of great devotion King Hungus and Bishop Regulus himself, and the other men went seven times round that very place, marked out by a clear sign. Having thus carried out the seven-fold circuit and perambulation, Bishop Regulus processed carrying above his head the relics of the holy apostle with all veneration, with his holy company following the bishop with songs and hymns. And the devout King Hungus followed them on foot, very devoutly pouring out profound prayers and thanks to God. And the most noble aristocrats of all the realm followed the king. Thus they commended that place to God, and fortified it with royal permission <on the 6 February>. As a sign of royal favour, the holy men erected 12 stone crosses at intervals around the circumference of the place; and they humbly begged God of heaven, that all who pray in that place with a devout mind and pure intention may obtain the fulfilment of their petition. Afterwards King Hungus gave to the church of the holy apostle as a parochia whatever land is between the sea which is called the Firth of Forth, as far as the sea which is called Firth of Tay; and in the adjacent province along its bounds from Largo, as far as Ceres <of the Dogs or of the Cains?>; and from Ceres as far as Naughton MacIrb (Hyhatnachten Machehirb), which land is now called Naughton. And the king gave this place, that is Kilrymont, to God and St Andrew his apostle, with waters, with fields, with meadows, with pastures, with muirs, with woods in alms for ever; and he endowed that place with such liberty that its inhabitants will always be free and quit of hosting, and of castle- and bridge-work, and of the trouble of all secular exactions. Bishop Regulus sang the prayer Alleluia so that God might forever protect that place given in alms, and guard it in honour of the apostle. As a reminder of the liberty granted King Hungus seized a divot and in front of his Pictish nobles bore it as far as the altar of St Andrew, and on it he placed that same divot as an offering. This was done in the presence of these witnesses: Talorc son of Iarnbodb, Nechtan son of Chelturan, Gartnait son of Dubnach, Drust son of Wythrossi, Nacthaleth son of Gigherti, Shinach son of Litheren, Oengus son of Foichele, Feradach son of Finlaech Phihacnanfin son of Bolg, Gilunineruh son of Taran, Demene son of Chinganena, Duptalarch son of Bargoit. Those witnesses are born of royal stock. Afterwards in Kilrymont the holy men built seven churches. One in honour of St Regulus; the second in honour of St Aneglas {the deacon}; the third in honour of St Michael the Archangel; the fourth in honour of St Mary virgin; the fifth in honour of the honourable St Damian the elder; the sixth in honour of St Brigid virgin; the seventh in honour of a certain Mouren virgin, and in that church were 50 virgins born of royal stock, all dedicated to God, having taken the veil at eleven years of age, and all buried in the eastern part of that church. These are the names of those men who brought the holy relics of St Andrew the apostle to Scotland: Bishop Regulus, Gelasius the deacon, Matheus the hermit, St Damian the priest and Merinachus his brother, Nermus and Chusemus from the island of Crete. Mirenus and Chubaculus the deacon, Natchabeus and Silicius his brother, seven hermits from the island of Tiber(is), Felix, Saranus, Mauritius, Madianus, Philipphus, Eugenius, Lucius; and three virgins from Collossia, viz Triduana, Potentia, Omeria. These virgins are buried in the church of St Anaglas. Cano son of Dubabrach wrote this record for King Uurad son of Bargoit in the estate of Meigle. The Augustinian’s Account Translated by Dr Simon Taylor These things, as we have said before, we have transcribed just as we found written in old books of the Picts. Most Scots affirm that the blessed Apostle Andrew was here alive in the flesh; taking as proof of their assertion the fact that he got as his lot the land of the Picts, that is Scythia, to preach in; and for this reason he held this place dear above all places; and what he did not fulfil while alive, he might fulfil after he had been released from the flesh. Because we have not found this written down, we are strongly inclined neither to deny or to affirm it. But since mention has been made of the miracles and wonders which God through His holy apostle has done and is doing, and since an occasion has offered itself to write some of these things, we have determined to write, by God's gift, the things that we have either found written down or have heard from trustworthy informers or have even observed for ourselves; and this the brothers have asked us to do. In the meantime, however, we have put this off until we may finish what has been begun. So when the kingdom of the Picts had been completely destroyed, and had been seized by the Scots, the property and estates of the church [at St Andrews] waxed or waned in turn in proportion to the devotion kings and princes had for the holy apostle. About which things it must not be told individually, but only those things which relate to us are to be dealt with in abridged form. There was a royal city called Rymont, royal hill, which the above-mentioned King Hungus gave to God and the holy apostle. And when the saints whom we have mentioned above, who had arrived with the relics of the blessed apostle, had been removed from their present life, along with their disciples and imitators, religious worship died out there as it was a barbarous and uncouth people. But there continued in the church of St Andrew, such as it was then, by carnal succession thirteen whom they call Culdees, who were living more according to their own estimation and human tradition, than according to the statutes of the holy fathers. Indeed they still live like this; and they have certain things in common which are less in amount and value, while they have as their own the things which are greater in amount and value, as each of them is able to acquire gifts, either from friends who are united to them by some personal tie, such as kindred or connection, or from those whose anmcharait, that is soul-friends, they [the Culdees] are, or in whatever other ways. After they are made Culdees, they are not allowed to keep their wives in their houses, nor any other women from whom evil suspicion may arise. Moreover, there were seven persons, who divided among themselves the offerings of the altar; of which seven portions the bishop used to enjoy only one, and the hospital another; the remaining five were apportioned to the other five, who performed no duty whatsoever to the altar or the church, except that they provided, according to their custom, hospitality for pilgrims and strangers, when more than six arrived, determining by lot whom or how many each of them was to receive. Indeed the hospital had continual accommodation for a number not exceeding six; but from the time that, by God's gift, it came into the possession of the canons, till the present it has received all who come to it. The canons have also determined that if anyone should arrive who is sick, or who falls ill there, his care is to be undertaken in all necessities according to the resources of the house, until he recovers his health or dies. But if he has any property, let him do what he wants with it and let him dispose of it as he will since in that house nothing will be demanded of him. Also a chaplain has been appointed by the canons to look after both the sick and the dying, and two brothers, who look after the house, receive strangers, and minister to the sick; but who do not eat or drink there, nor do they receive their clothing there. Moreover the canons have granted for this purpose the tenths of their own labours, and the remains of their food. If there is anything necessary in their cellar for either the healthy or the sick which cannot be had from the hospital, let it be given without objection. The above-mentioned persons also had their own revenues and possessions; which, when they died, their wives, whom they openly kept, and their sons and daughters, their relatives or their sons-in-law, divided amongst themselves, even the very offerings of the altar at which they did not serve; it would be shameful to speak of this were it not for the fact that they had been allowed to do it. Nor could so great an evil be removed until the time of King Alexander of happy memory, a special friend of the holy church of God; who magnified the church of the blessed apostle Andrew with estates and revenues, loaded it with many and valuable gifts, and endowed it with liberties and customs which were of his royal gift, to be held as royal possessions. Also the land which is called The Boar's Raik, which King Hungus, whom we mentioned above, had given to God and the holy apostle Andrew when the relics of the blessed apostle Andrew had been brought, and which had afterwards been taken away, he also established to its pristine condition [ or ‘anew’]; with the specific purpose and on condition that the religious life should be established in that church for the maintenance of divine worship. For there was no-one who served the altar of the blessed apostle, nor was mass celebrated there, except when the king or the bishop came there, which happened rarely. For the Culdees celebrated their office after their own fashion in a corner of the church, which [church] was very small. Of which royal donation there are many witnesses still living, and this donation his brother Earl David also confirmed, whom the king had constituted his heir and successor in the kingdom, as he is today. As a royal record of his gift the king ordered to be led to the altar an Arab steed, with its own bridle, saddle, shield and silver lance, and covered with a large, precious cloth; and he ordered the church to be invested with all the aforementioned royal gifts, liberties and customs; he also gave Turkish arms of a different kind, which are still kept in the church of St Andrew, along with its [the steed’s] shield and saddle as a memorial of royal munificence. They are shown to people coming from all the airts, so that what is so frequently brought to mind will not be forgotten in any way. It was of course in the days of this king Alexander, near the end of his earthly life, that sir Robert the first prior of the church of Scone, which the same king had also given to the canons and had enriched with many gifts and estates, was elected bishop of the Scots. Indeed from ancient times they have been called the bishops of St Andrew, and in both ancient and modern writings they are found called ‘High Archbishops’ or ‘High Bishops of the Scots’. Which is why Bishop Fothad, a man of the greatest authority, caused to be written on the cover of a gospel-book these lines: Fothad, who is the High Bishop to the Scots, made this cover for an ancestral gospel-book. So now in ordinary and common speech they are called Escop Alban, that is ‘Bishops of Albany’. And they have been called, and are (still) called this on account of their pre-eminence by all the bishops of the Scots, who are called after the places over which they preside. But before the consecration of that (bishop-)elect the said King Alexander, having died, left his brother King David, who was the only one of the brothers still alive, and who is still alive, heir not so much to the kingdom as to his devotion towards the church of God and towards the protection of the poor. For he is, and will remain, fully occupied in bringing to a conclusion with God's help what his brother the often mentioned king had begun. He founded very many churches and monasteries of both monks and canons as well as of nuns; and conferred upon them many benefices. Moreover he has done many works of mercy towards the servants and hand-maidens of Christ, which it is not within our ability to narrate. He brought it about that the head of the church of St Andrew the aforementioned sir Robert be consecrated by Thurstan archbishop of York of blessed memory, without profession, or any exaction whatsoever, saving only the dignity of both churches, and the authority of the holy and apostolic see. Therefore, once the bishop had been ordained and had returned to his own see, he applied himself zealously to accomplish what he cherished in his heart, namely the work of enlarging the church and dedicating it to divine worship. But both before and after his ordination Satan opposed him in many things; he sustained many injuries and insults, according to what the apostle said: ‘all who want to live piously in Christ suffer persecution’. He spent the seventh small portion of the altar, which was due to him, and which he took away from his own uses, on work on the church. But since the outlay was small, the building was also being constructed in a small way, until, with God's help and next after God with King David’s assent, offerings were recovered for the uses of the church, extracted from the hands of lay people, both men and women. Thereafter the more that he might have to hand to give, the faster the work went. Therefore, having begun the foundations of the church, and now having completed the greater part, and having started some houses, and having finished some with a cloister so that now inhabitants might be able to be introduced who might not ask for too much, and who in the meantime might wait with patience, he [Bishop Robert] asked sir Athelwold bishop of Carlisle by letters and by messengers, as well as by the personal intervention of King David, to grant him from the church of St Oswald, of which the bishop himself was head by right of prior, a person with whom he might share his work, and whom he might set up as prior for the canons whom he was arranging to establish in the church of St Andrew. Since it seemed to him more intimate and sweeter to receive a person from that church where he had devoted himself to God and had taken the habit of the religion life, also whence as the first prior he had been sent to the church of Scone; from which, as we have said above, he had been elected and taken as bishop, than to receive a person from elsewhere. But he did not ask for just any person, but for brother Robert, not indeed well known by renown or way of life but only by name, whom those who knew him considered suitable for this work according to what [the Bishop had heard] from his friends and members of his household. Therefore he asked for him and he received him, nor from that church could anything be denied him or should be denied him that he might reasonably request. The above-mentioned brother Robert by order of the lord bishop dwelt at St Andrew’s for some considerable time, and without any canons, but not without clerks, with the lord bishop providing the necessaries for him and his men. He had no power over the church, nor did he want any, until the Lord would give him what he desired, a community for the service of God. But he did not trust in himself in any way, but putting himself entirely into the hands of God, and submitting himself to His ordinance, he assiduously beseeched God that He would deign to visit and console him, and to grant him to lay a foundation for the religious life such that the building built upon it should be strong and abiding, just as he had decreed in his heart. He did not want in any way to enter into the work of outsiders (which might perhaps have been easy for him), to gather to himself brothers from other and diverse churches, lest different brothers, taking different views, wishing to appear to be a somebody, should not coalesce into unity and thus the fabric of the building should suffer harm before the foundation was laid. If, however, God should send him any persons who were prepared to live in the way in which he himself was minded to live, he would receive them warmly. Meanwhile with Brother Robert staying there by order of the bishop, as has been said, but with the lord bishop carrying out somewhat sluggishly the business which he had begun, the king came to St Andrew’s, along with his son Earl Henry the king designate to pray, and with them many of the earls and potentates of the land. The next day, having heard mass and having observed the customary hours and made the customary offering, the king coming into the cloister, such as it was then, along with those who had come with him, and once everyone had settled down, he explained to them firstly many things of little importance, then finally the main reason why he had come. He therefore arraigned the bishop since he had not hastened on the work and service of God in establishing the religious life in the church of the blessed Andrew, even though the bishop had declared himself minded to do so, and as King Alexander had decreed. And when after many disputes the lord bishop argued that he was not permitted either to diminish or disperse the property of the bishop, lest perchance what had been conferred on the servants of God by him should be taken away from them by his successor, the king replies saying that from the land called the Boar’s Raik, which was not the bishopric’s, which King Alexander his brother had dedicated to God and to St Andrew for that very purpose, namely that in his (St Andrew’s) church the religious life might be established, he (the bishop) should endow them sufficiently, and both he and his son would confirm [it] and would help towards stocking the land; which they in fact did, and compelled certain others by oath to help. Then the lord bishop, as if of his own free will but in fact under constraint, by the advice and consent of the king and his son and of the other barons who were present, transferred into the hands of brother Robert some portion [or ‘a portion at his (the bishop’s) choice’ AAMD] of the lands of the personae which had come into his (the bishop’s) hands on their deaths, from which the brothers who came there to serve God ought to have been maintained in the meantime. Nor however did he act more sluggishly regarding the work on the church, but he busied himself in every way so that he might complete the work more swiftly. On that day Robert the priest, of pious memory, the uterine brother of the lord Bishop, renouncing the world with heart, voice and deed in order to serve God in the church of the blessed Andrew following the canonical rule of our holy father Augustine, gave himself into the hands of Brother Robert the prior, with his church of Tyningham, with the agreement of the lord bishop, so completely that the canons should have either that church or fifty shillings per year. From Bower’s Scotichronicon, Book VI, 24 Translated by D.E.R. Watt et al. In 1122 [1124] Robert prior of Scone was elected to the see on the urging of King Alexander. He [the king] restored in its entirety the land called the Boar’s Chase, which had been taken away from the church of St Andrew, on condition that a religious community was established there, as had been previously arranged by King Alexander [in a ceremony involving] the king’s Arabian steed with its special harness and saddle, covered with a voluminous and precious caparison, along with a shield and silver lance (which now forms the shaft of a cross) – all these things the king in the presence of the magnates of the land had brought up to the altar, and he had the church invested with, and given sasine of, the said liberties and royal customs. David his brother, then an earl, was present there and confirmed this gift.
Sources relating to the medieval bishops of St Andrews
Letter of Pope Boniface VIII to William Comyn (1298) [Stevenson, Documents Illustrative of the History of Scotland, ii, 280-1] Boniface … to the dear son William Comyn our chaplain, provost of the church of Saint Mary in the city of St Andrews Your petition shown to us stated that recently the church of St Andrews being vacant by reason of the death of William bishop of St Andrews and a day being set for the election of the next bishop, you, asserting that it was owed to you by reason of your provostship of the church of Saint Mary to have an interest in this election, sought to be admitted to the performance of this election. And because the chapter of the same church of St Andrews, in contempt of you, proceeding to the same election, elected our dear son master William de Lamberton chancellor of the church of Glasgow to the bishopric, you, appealing because of this to the apostolic see, finally after many disputes here and there at the said see, you, led greatly by our approach, agreed to renounce your appeal freely, so that the said church of St Andrews may not be subjected to misfortune for a long time by reason of its bereavement, saving the right which belongs to you and your successors as provosts of the same church of St Mary’s and to the church of St Mary’s itself, or which may then belong to them in the time of the election of a bishop of St Andrews to be conducted hereafter. Because, we, to whom the care of all churches belongs in general, must therefore aid the same church of St Andrews, but we do not oppose the church of St Mary’s, even being inclined to your claim we wish and by the tenor of these present letters decree that, by the renunciation of these rights (as above) we do not prejudge them, indeed on the contrary you and your aforesaid successors may freely pursue and possess this right in seeking or in possessing as if the same had not be renounced. Given at Rome, at Saint Peter’s, 7th May 1298 Letters of Pope Boniface VIII confirming the election of William Lamberton as Bishop of St Andrews (1298) [Theiner, Veteri Monumenta, 165-6] Boniface … to the venerable brother William de Lamberton bishop of St Andrews, greetings. It is lawful that the care of the whole church from what belongs to the pastoral office belongs to our care, about this however, it is understood that we are more strongly concerned and we watch over with so much care those who are directly subjected to the Apostolic See, and bear more strongly the care of them, so that we think of their favourable state. Therefore they who lament the misfortune of bereavement arouse our special care so that suitable pastors of them are put first, so that by their efforts they light up spiritual things and are successful in increasing earthly ones. For the church of St Andrews in Scotland being deprived of the solace of a pastor by the death of William Fraser of good memory, bishop of the same church, the dear sons of the chapter of the said church calling all who wished, ought and were able legitimately to take part, gathering in one body on the arranged day of election and deliberating concerning this on the way to proceed by the process of compromissus, they proposed unanimously and freely to provide in place of the church of the pastor full power to our dear sons John the Prior, John Mair and William Landon archdeacon, Adam the sub-prior, John Kayrer, Adam of Laurbeden and Thomas of Auchtermuchty, canons of the said church, appointing them to renew and retain their bishop and pastor that person whom they, or the greater part of them, appoint by election. The same prior, archdeacon, sub-prior and canons, having received these powers, considering that since you, a man of great wisdom and discretion, and with knowledge of letters, being of honest life and commended by sober manners would be able to cause an increase in the honour of the said church, they appointed you, then the chancellor of the church of Glasgow, by their vote: And the said prior from the power resigned to him and the aforesaid archdeacon, sub-prior and canons by the chapter, elected you as bishop and pastor of St Andrews by the consent and commission of the said archdeacon, sub-prior and canons, and this election being solemnly announced by the said prior, the said chapter unanimously approved it. And you, consenting to the said election in proper time, on account of this came to the Apostolic See, and both you in person and the aforesaid prior and chapter, through their specially appointed procurators and envoys, John called Rufus, Martin de Ketketon and Thomas of Auvhtermuchty, presenting us the election decree, beseeched us humbly that we might confirm this election. We, therefore, having the proofs of this, had them diligently examined, and because we found the election to have been carried out canonically by suitable persons, by apostolic authority and with the brothers of our council we made this to be confirmed… Given at Rome at St Peters, 15th Calends of July, the fourth year of our Pontificate (1298) Extract from the articles propounded against the Bishop of Saint Andrews (August 1306) Articles propounded against the bishop of St Andrews concerning the counsel, assent and adherence performed by him to Robert Bruce in his rebellion against the king of England. Then after the bishop of St Andrews who then was had died and the people of the land of Scotland by the council and prompting of the prelates and clergy of the same land made to raise war with William Wallace, then rebel and enemy of our lord king and chieftain and governor of the people of Scotland who then were against our lord the king, their liege lord in whose homage and loyalty they had been bound by their letters and instruments public on these acts: there, where the chapter of St Andrews had elected master William Comyn, who the whole time held to the faith of our lord the king and of his friendship: William Wallace and his adherents and enemies of our lord king, to whom the said master William Lamberton had given his adherence against his oath and his allegiance: by force and constraint made them elect him bishop of St Andrews without licence sought and without the assent of our lord king as was appropriate behaviour from the right and according to the usage of the kingdom in prejudice of him and right of the crown and by such an election he was made bishop, entering and occupying the temporalities of the said bishopric and since then he has held them, from which many evils have happened. Thus, when our lord king had discomfited his enemies so that all those of the said land of Scotland, who had been raised in war against him as aforesaid, were coming to him as their liege lord and rightful king of Scotland and had placed themselves high and low in his grace for their trespass aforesaid: then the said bishop of St Andrews came to Stirling willingly and of his free will (on) the 4th day of May the year of grace 1304 and of the king’s reign 32nd and asked him for his grace and received it kindly and thus the said bishop did another time swear fealty to the king of England aforesaid as to his liege lord and righful king and lord of all Scotland and the said bishop then swore on the body of Jesus Christ and on the Holy Evangelists and on the Cross Neith and the Black Rood of Scotland loyally to hold and keep his said faith from the hour forwards to our lord king and his heirs king of England as fully contained in letters and in instruments. The day following this said fealty, when the said bishop of St Andrews was addressed by our lord king of England that he had occupied the said temporalities of his bishopric without licence and assent of him in great prejudice of the right of his crown as aforesaid and took from that time the issues and levies of the said bishopric, because he was not properly consecrated, recognised by mouth and by his writing sealed with his seal the said challenge of our lord the king to be true for which he put himself high and low at the will of our lord the king to answer to him for the said issues and levies and to be ready concerning this at his (the king’s) ordinance at whatever time that he (the king) wished to speak to him as stated by his said letters and public instruments done on this. After this when the king had established all the lands of Scotland to peace, and had put and assigned certain justiciars and guardians to keep the peace, and had retained the bishop in his council and had made him chief of these guardians ... and Robert de Bruce was raising himself by treason against his sovereign lord the King of England ... and had murdered John Comyn lord of Badenoch ... because John would not assent to the treason which Robert planned against the King of England; to rise up and make himself King of Scotland by his power, and had taken the castle of Dumfries and imprisoned the king's justices and ministers, and from there went to Scone ..., then the said Bishop of St. Andrews knew all the plots of Robert Bruce, even on the day he was with the king's council at Berwick to give advice about the crime done by Robert Bruce, ... and on the king's business in Scotland. He left them at night to go to Scone and honour Robert on the day he was crowned and called King of Scots. When the Bishop of Saint Andrews was going and holding with the Earl of Carrick, he saw the power which the king assembled in Scotland and, perceiving that the king's enemies would be unable to maintain their foolish and wicked enterprise long, he surrendered to Sir Aymer de Valence, the lieutenant of the king in those parts ... and asked that for certain business touching his church ... he be given leave to go and return after a short time. Sir Aymer, thinking that he would be loyal, suffered him to go, and the bishop, going to his men, men-at-arms as well as footmen, brought them to the Earl of Carrick to help him in battle with Sir Aymer. And for this Most Holy Father, that the said bishop bears himself wickedly against our lord the king of England in many ways as said above and especially that he was sworn to be of the council of our lord the king and was made chief guardian of his land of Scotland. Thus Holy Father at the time of the dismissal of the said bishop of St Andrews, master William Comyn brother of the earl of Buchan, who well and loyally holds to the faith of our lord king was elected by the chapter of the said church, and William Wallace who then was chieftain and governor of the people of Scotland who were rebels and enemies of our lord the king by force and against his will made William de Lamberton, then chancellor of Glasgow, to be elected as bishop of the said church … and if he would please you, in place of him, to make the said William Comyn bishop who has well and loyally held to the faith of our lord the king for which it is clear that he will be profitable for the estate of the church and the peace of the land also. Summary of the Jurisdictions around St Andrews from the Sixteenth Century Black Book Decision in the dispute between the Culdees and the Bishop concerning the Jurisdiction of land made through Thomas Randulph warden on this side of the Scottish Sea 1309 In the register of the Monastery of St Andrews were clauses concerning conferences held and concluded on a certain matter in dispute in which it was decided concerning the jurisdictions of the regality of the episcopate of St Andrews dated A.D. 1309 And it was found and in due and proper form made public that within the Boar’s Chase (Cursus Apri) there are but three baronies, to wit, the barony of the Lord Bishop of St Andrews, the barony of the Lord Prior of St Andrews, and the barony of the Culdees, which baronies with their inhabitants are held immediately of the Bishop of St Andrews and his Church, and of no other. Whence, by reason of the said holding, the foresaid baronies, as much by law as by established custom, are held bound to give suit and attendance at the Court of the said Lord Bishop and there to be concerned with … as well as the carrying out of other judicial acts concerning condemned persons. Further it was found that if any judgement within the court of the lord provost of the Culdees or of any barony within the Boar’s Chase is challenged by anyone, the same is to be appealed to the court of the lord bishop, and there judgement is to be determined and declared. Further it was found that if anyone inhabiting the said baronies has been seized outwith the Boar’s Chase either by bailies of the lord king or by others, he shall be claimed and repledged to the regality of St Andrews only by the justiciar of the Lord Bishop or his servants and not by any bailies of the said baronies. Moreover it was found and in due and proper form on the said day proclaimed that the Lord Bishop or his justiciar has the power of making investigation in all pleas of the king’s crown and concerning life and limb in the Boar’s Chase and what is more, that out of a plenitude of kingly power the Lord Bishop may, within the Boar’s Chase, give life and limb to the condemned. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 4] Letters of Visitation by William Bishop of St Andrews (1369) Letters of visitation by William bishop of St Andrews to the abbot of Scone and to the prior and convent of the same, recording that on occasion of his visitation of their monastery made on the 23rd day of October in the year of our lord 1369 he has ordained as follows, viz: That divine service should be daily and piously observed at regular and accustomed hours by night as well as well as by day and that the Prior and other monks appointed to discharge duty should be present at morning mass and other hours unless excusably prevented, also that all canons, priests should, as often as they can , perform their masses and if any of them should omit doing so for more than three days, enquiry should immediately be made by the Abbot or Prior as to the cause of their absence from mass so long. Also that due silence in fitting times and places and other regular lawful and usual observances should be maintained. Also that the Abbot should give up a Statement and Account within the next six weeks of his office of Treasurer from the time when he intromitted (entered office) and that within the same time all other monastic officials should render accounts of their offices as is the custom elsewhere. Also that the Abbot should commit the office of Treasurer to any Canon who seems competent to discharge that office, but that he may nevertheless appoint as his assistant any canon, instructing and informing him as to the things pertaining to that office, so that the Abbot himself may to that extent be relieved of that burden, and have leisure to attend to the government of his monastery. Also that a plurality of offices should not be conferred on any one person when one person is scarcely able to rightly fill one office, and especially that the office of victualler should be deputed to one who is able to give daily attention to it. Also that order be taken regarding the fabric and repair of the church and buildings and that necessary artificers and workmen be employed for this purpose. And finally in order to avoid scandal, that women stay not continuously within the walls of the monastery, and especially that they be removed and kept at a distance from the sick ward and surgical chamber so that the sick may be able to have their bed chamber, their usual recreations and their proper and accustomed comforts without suspicion of evil. The forgoing ordinance for the improvement of divine worship and the amelioration of their own condition and that of the monastery he enjoins to be in all points implemented and firmly observed by the Abbot, the Prior and the Convent under canonical penalties, and that these letters should be presented to him at his next visitation. Given under seal at the place and date foresaid. [National Archives of Scotland, RH6/150] Confirmation of a charter of Bishop Wardlaw to his constable The king (James II) confirmed the charter of Henry Bishop of St Andrews which, with the consent of his chapter, granted to John Wemyss of Kilmany for his loyal council and help to the said bishop and performed and to be performed to the church of St Andrews by him and his successors in posterity, and to Janet Wardlaw his wife; the office of constable of the castle and city of St Andrews with the land of Muirton and Achokyre in the regality of St Andrews. Being held by the said John and Janet and the longer living of them and their legitimate heirs procreated between them, failing which the male heirs of the said John whoever, from the the said bishop and his successors. Making and upholding to the said bishop and his successors all the labours which are known to pertain to the said office, for all other services etc. Witnessing the which (the bishop’s charter): Malcolm Fleming lord of Cumbernauld, Master John Scheves doctor of decreets and official general of the diocese of St Andrews, John Lumsden sheriff of Fife, John Carmichael nephew of the said bishop, Dominus William Wishart his chamberlain, Dominus William Cairns his chaplain and vicar of Glamis; with the seal of the bishop and with the seal of the said chapter. [The king’s charter dated 10th August 1440] Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, ii, no. 244 Charter confirming the ‘Golden Charter’ to the Bishops of St Andrews The king (James III) confirmed the charter of King James II which with the consent of the three estates of his kingdom and on account of the deserving loyalty of James Kennedy bishop of St Andrews his cousin performed on many occasions, confirmed all earlier gifts made by his predecessors to the church of St Andrews and the bishop of the same church in perpetuity and gave the lands underwritten and others from his predecessors in free and special regality; viz – the lands of St Nicholas of Kinkell, Kingask, Byrehill, Fauside, Kilmonane, Kenlochquhy, Putky, Bonyngtoune, Balcaythly, Dunenoch, Stravethy, Balaly, Petarthy, Kynalldy-suthir, Kynaldy-northir, Gilmourtoune, Balrymont-Estyr, Carngoure, Lambeislethin, Priourislethin, Newgrange, Langraw, Balrymont-Westyr, Kylrynny, Invergelly, Invary, Kynlonchare, Balbuthy, Petcorthy, Murecambosse, Athirny, Lathame, Balgormo, Baldastard, Balmane, Scuny, Balbethe, Monfloure, Levynnis-brig, Methkyll, le Hache, Torre, Crannoch, Cavill, Bynnis, Urwell, Lathokir, Muretoune, Lathone, Raderny, Camerone, Fedynche, Keyrnis, Ballochin, Strakynnes, Wilkynston, Greigstone, Drumcarach, Lawdeddy, Kynninmonde, Baldunny, Arnydy, Claremounthe, Malgask-uvir, Malgask-nethir, Clattow, Balgrife, Stratirne, Kyncapill, Neutoune, Nydy-estyr, Nydy-westir, Kynnarde, Kenbak, Blabo, Myretoune, Deresy, Crag-fudy, Mydil-fudy, Westyr-fudy, Fengask, Burchle, Newmyll, Ballase, Kylmany, Freretoune, Kirkland of Luchris, Forgund, Priouris Kynmuck, Monymeyll, Lathane, Cunyochy, Muretoune-in-Luchris, Culluthy, Owthirmunsy, Berelais, Carny, Outhirrudirstudyr, Cragroyhill, Tarvat, Nethir-Tarvat, Gledny, Kyrkforthir, Balmalkyn, Balmungy and Machrise: furthermore it is granted to the said bishop and his heirs as he had, held and possessed his lands written here in special regality, viz the lands called Byschapis-schire, Muckart-schire, Scottis-crag and le Fery, Petcunty, Murefeld and the lands of the priory of Petynweme, viz Petynweme, Litill-Anstrudir, Fauside, Lyngow, Pettotyr, Crangbregis, Gradn-mure (sheriffdom of Fife) and the lands of Estir-Rynde and Westir-Rynde (sheriffdom of Perth); the which lands are incorporated into the regality of St Andrews. Being held in one special regality or regalia, called the regality of St Andrews in perpetuity with the four points and pleas of the crown; and furthermore the king willed that the tenants or renters of the said bishop and their goods dwelling between the waters of Forth and Tay should only be arrested in the ayres of justiciar and chamberlain in the courts of the bishop and in no way should they be brought together to pay royal taxation or tallage and he willed that the present donations should not be revoked by the king or his successors but they should defend the said powers and nothing else. (Owing) nothing except the saying of devotions and prayers for the king, his predecessors and successors [King James II’s charter granted at Edinburgh, 14th June 1452] Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, ii, no. 1444 Extracts from the Rental of the Archbishop of St Andrews (1543-1545) Account of Master Bernard Bailie rector of Lamington and Chamberlain, rendered at St Andrews, Wednesday 13th May 1545; involving arrears of Master Alexander Kinninmonth’s account (6th March 1543) and his own receipts and expenses (1543-4) Discharge Cutting and winning hay of Radernie, £4; of Monimail, 20s; fermes of the ward of Inchmurdoch in the Cardinal’s hands, 13s 4d; repair of dykes thereof, 5s; … Fee of the gardener of Monimail, 20s; also of the gardener of St Andrews Castle, 40s; of Ambrose Skyrling, janitor of the outer gate of the castle, 40s; of the watchman, 20s; of the sergeants or officers of Monimail, Scotscraig and Byrehills (40s each); also Byschopshire and Mukartschire (26s 8d each), Angus (£3 6s 8d), Keig and Monymusk (£3), Dairsie (50s), Stow (£3), Kyrkliston (53s 4d) – £17 3s 4d (Fee) of the laird of Lochleven bailie of Byschopshire and Mukartschire, £10; of Alexander Jardine, head cook, £6 13s 4d; … Sir Henry Balfour, to pay a Frenchman for 73 beche schulis and 6 stones 13 pounds of towys (cordarum) for work at the castle (as per the precept, St Andrews, July 23 1544) £5 1d; Alexander Myllar, fishermen in Pittenweem, for freight thence to St Andrews of 20 chalders of lime for the castle (as per the quittance of Sir Henry Balfour, one of the masters of work, St Andrews, June 19, 1544), £6 Sir Henry Balfour, iron and other materials (£5 8s 9d) to Master Wolf, gunner, to make a moyane culverini, fee of Robert Smyth and two servitors (£3 6s) working for 3 weeks, and a payment to Balfour himself (44s), in the castle garden … £10 18s 9d To Sir James Bickerton, master of work for the castle … £159 3s 6d … To Sir Michael Hog, almoner, for the poor from 19 Dec 1543 to 19 Aug 1544 inclusive … £33 4s To Archibald Campbell burgess of Dundee to buy certain puncheons of wine for the Cardinal’s use in St Andrews Castle … £110 Wages of household servitors of the Cardinal with their horses remaining outside the household from 9 Feb to end of that month 1543, from 10 March to 2 April 1544 and on to 8 … £336 18s To Alan Couttis for the expenses of the Cardinal and household from 10 March 1543 to 19 July 1544 … £583 14s 3d Fee of William Murray the household cook … 33s 4d Fee of Robert Hall, cook serving in the Cardinal’s kitchen, 28s To Alexander Gibsoun, cook and keeper of the capons and poultry, £3 6s 8d; Fee of Walter Hervey, keeper of the hall pewter, 20s; Of Rutlege and Troilles, kitchen boys, 30s Alexander Naper, saddler in St Andrews by mandate of Robert Lindsay, master of the stable to purchase necessaries for the horses and stable … £32 Master Andrew Oliphant … purchase of 132 chalders of lime in June and July 1544 for the castle (bought in Wemyss, Crail and St Andrews) … £98 11s 10d To Robert Hall in Kinghorn, 14 chalders of coal for the use of the Cardinal in the castle … £25 4s To John Beton of Balfour, captain of the castle, for the fabric thereof … £325 15s Andrew Moncrieff, the Cardinal’s servitor, sent from St Andrews to Stirling and Hamilton by mandate … 22s Master John Meffen to wash the ornaments of the altar of the chapel of St Andrews, also for bread and wax candles … 24s Robert Boswell for hire of horses to conduct Andrew Leslie son of the earl of Rothes from Edinburgh to St Andrews … 22s Drinksilver to a servant of the provost of St Andrews presenting a horse to the Cardinal 22s Robert Boswell for hire of a horse from Stirling to Castle Campbell and for expenses of conducting an Italian auditor to Lindores 44s An indweller in Muckhart to lead the way to Kincardine with the Cardinal 10s Two servants sent from Kincardine to Doune Castle to bring back two silver flasks of the Cardinal, 22s Robert Boswell to hire horses to bring the coffers of the Cardinal from Kincardine to St Andrews, 12s Freight of materials for Master Wolf engineer from Limekilns to St Andrews to make guns, 44s For the gardener of St Andrews monastery (14 Aug 1544) presenting artichokes to the Cardinal, 22s A man bringing iron bullets from Dunbar Castle to St Andrews Castle, 44s; culveriners who came to be hired by the cardinal, 22s; 21 barrels of ale received from John Dikesone for the Cardinal and household in Edinburgh, £28; John Pardovane, George Hepburn and Thomas Davidson servitors remaining in St Andrews Castle, 34s; David Smyth watchman of the castle (Martinmas 1543 – Whitsun 1544), £6 13s 4d Master John Arnott for gunpowder bought by him for John Beaton of Balfour captain of the castle … £28 6s 8d Metals and other necessaries for Master Wolf, engineer, to make a culverayne moyane £134 11s 7d Petty expenses of of Sir Andrew Myll, by boat from Edinburgh to St Andrews with the Cardinal’s great tapestries, £4 11s 8d; Expenses of James Symsoun sent from St Andrews to Leith to receive the Cardinal’s wine Account of Master Robert Auchmouty, granitarius, rendered at St Andrews Castle, Wednesday 16th Sept 1545 … 210 chalders of coal put in the castle for the Cardinal, the captain and their households, from May 1543 to August 1545 … £404 15s 1d; For carters of St Andrews taking the coals from the harbour to the castle … £21 11s 6d; Servitors carrying them into the coal-house … £7 6d Part of the expenses of the Earl of Arran’s eldest son, John Beaton of Balfour the captain, servitors, household and guards in the Cardinal’s absence, paid by the accountant to William Patterson, provisor at the castle (April 1544-August 1545), £351 7d To Sir James Bickerton, master of works at the castle, for the fabric at various times … £153 11s 8d Clothes for the pages Claude and Guthrie, another little page named Prophet, and the servant of the Lord of Tullibardine detained captive in the castle for two years from 1 Nov 1543 … £35 5s 8d 26½ ells of white woollen cloth, coarse and broad, for 6 pairs of double blankets, and 52 ells of coarse linen for 6 pairs of sheets for the beds of the guards (castellanorum), delivered to John Beaton of Balfour … £7 7s 3d; 3 pairs of fine linen sheets delivered at Little Monimail when the Earl of Huntly was entertained there (which were not restored after his departure), 50s Part payment to Robert Smyth in Argyle, working with Master Wolf the engineer, at the making of a gun in the castle … £3 6s Rentale Sancti Andree 1538-1546, Scottish History Society (1913), 175-200
Primary sources held within Special Collections at St Andrews University Library
Collated bibliographic information and catalogue entries for primary source material relating to St Andrews before 1500.
All catalogue entries can be found on the University of St Andrews Library Special Collections website: http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/library/specialcollections/collections/archives/
Treasures of St Andrews University Library http://www.st-andrewslibrarytreasures.com/ This volume presents 50 selected items from across the collections, each accompanied by a short explanatory essay by an expert in the field. It also features an introductory essay outlining the history of St Andrews University Library from its beginnings in a few mediaeval cathedral book presses to the modern hub of learning within an institution of international academic reputation.
Further Reading on the Church in Medieval St Andrews
A select bibliography of the current research on the medieval University of St Andrews.
This resource will be updated at regular intervals, and is available as a word document at the bottom of this page.
Anderson, M. O., ‘The Celtic Church in Kinrimund’, in D. McRoberts (ed.), The medieval Church of St Andrews (Glasgow 1976), 1-10 (reprinted from Innes Review 25, 67-76). Ash, M., and D. Broun, ‘The Adoption of St Andrew as patron Saint of Scotland’, in J. Higgitt (ed.), Medieval Art and Architecture in the Diocese of St Andrews (London 1986), 16-24. Ash, Marinell, ‘David Bernham, Bishop of St. Andrews, 1239-53’, Innes Review, 25 (1974), 3-14. Ash, Marinell, ‘The Administration of the Diocese of St Andrews, 1202-1328’, Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne (1972) [Available on EThOS] Ash, Marinell, ‘The diocese of St. Andrews under its 'Norman' bishops’, Scottish Historical Review, 55 (1976), 105-26. Ash, Marinell, ‘William Lamberton, bishop of St. Andrews, 1297-1328’ in G.W.S. Barrow, The Scottish tradition (Edinburgh, 1974), 44-55. Barrel, A., Medieval Scotland, (Cambridge, 2000), especially chapter 3. Barrow, G. W. S., The Kingdom of the Scots (Edinburgh 1973 2nd edn. 2003), especially Chapter 8 on the Clergy at St Andrews. Barrow, G.W.S., ‘The Cathedral Chapter of St. Andrews and the Culdees in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 3 (1952), 23-39. Barrow, G.W.S., ‘The Medieval Diocese of St Andrews’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 1-6. Blick, Sarah and Rita Tekippe (eds), Art and Architecutre of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles (Leiden, 2004). 2 vols. Boardman, S. and Eila Williamson (eds), The Cult of Saints and the Virgin Mary in Medieval Scotland (Woodbridge, 2010) Bonner, E., ‘The recovery of St Andrews castle in 1547: French Naval Policy and Diplomacy in the British Isles’, English Historical Review, 111 (1996), 578-98. Broun, D., ‘The Church and the beginning of Scottish Independence’, chapter 4 of Scottish Independence and the idea of Britain: from the Picts to Alexander III (Edinburgh, 2007), 101-123. Broun, D., ‘The Church and the origins of Scottish Independence’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society 31 (2002), 1-36. Broun, D., ‘The church of St Andrews and its foundation legend in the early twelfth century: recovering the full text of version A of the foundation legend’, in S. Taylor (ed.), King’s Clerics and Chronicles in Scotland, 500-1297 (Dublin 2000), 108-114. Cambridge, E., ‘The early building history of St Andrews Cathedral, Fife, and its context in northern transitional architecture’, The Antiquaries Journal 57 (1977) 277-88. Cambridge, Eric, ‘The early Building-History of St Andrews Cathedral, Fife, and its context in Northern Transitional Architecture’, Antiquaries Journal, 57 (1978), 277-88. Cameron, N., ‘St Rule’s Church, St Andrews, and early stone built churches in Scotland’ in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 124 (1994), 367-78. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm Cameron, Neil, ‘St Rule’s Church, St Andrews, and early stone-built churches in Scotland’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 124 (1994), pp. 367-378. Campbell, I. 'Planning for Pilgrims: St Andrews as the Second Rome', Innes Review, vol. 64 (May, 2013), pp. 1-22. Campbell, I., 'Planning for Pilgrims: St Andrews as the Second Rome', Innes Review, vol. 64 (May, 2013), pp. 1-22. Cant, R., ‘The building of St Andrews Cathedral’ in D. McRoberts (ed.), The Medieval Church of St Andrews, (Glasgow, 1976) 11-32. Cant, Ronald Gordon, ‘The building of St. Andrews cathedral’, Innes Review, 25 (1974), 77-94. Clancy, T. O., ‘Scotland, the ‘Nennian’ recension of the Historia Brittonum, and the Lebor Bretnach’, in S. Taylor (ed.), Kings Clerics and Chronicles in Scotland 500-1297 (Dublin, 2000), 87-107. Cowan, ‘The development of the parochial system in Medieval Scotland’, Scottish Historical Review 40 (1961), 43-55. Cowan, I. B. The Parishes of Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, 1967). Cowan, I. B., ‘Church and Society’, in J. Brown ed., Scottish Society in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1977), pp. 112-135. Cowan, I. B., ‘Patronage, Provision and Reservation, Pre-Reformation Appointments to Scottish Benefices’, in I. B. Cowan and D. Shaw edd., The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 75-92. Cowan, I., ‘The Monastic History of the Diocese of St Andrews’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 7-15. Cowan, Ian, and Easson, David (eds.), Medieval Religious Houses: Scotland (2nd edn. London, 1976). 224 Cowan, Mairi, Death, Life, and Religious Change in Scottish Towns, c. 1350-1560 (Manchester, 2012). Dilworth, M., ‘Archbishop James Beaton II: A Career in Scotland and France’, SCHS, xxiii (Glasgow, 1987-1989), pp. 301-1316. Dilworth, Mark, ‘Dependent Priories of St Andrews’ Innes Review, 26 (1975), 56-64. Dilworth, Mark, ‘The Augustinian chapter of St. Andrews’ Innes Review, 25 (1974), 15-30. Dilworth, Mark, Scottish Monasteries in the Late Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1995). Ditchburn, D., ‘ “Saints at the door don’t make miracless”? The Contrasting Fortunes of Scottish Pilgrimage, c.1450-1550’, in J. Goodare and A.A. Macdonald, eds, Sixteenth-century Scotland: Religion, politics and society. Essays in honour of Michael Lynch (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 69-98. Ditchburn, D., ‘The ‘McRoberts thesis’ and patterns of sanctity in late medieval Scotland’, in S. Boardman and E. Williamson, eds, The Cult of Saints and the Virgin Mary in Medieval Scotland (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2010), pp. 177-94. Donaldson, G., ‘The rights of the Scottish crown in episcopal vacancies’, SHR, xlv (Edinburgh, 1966), pp. 27-35. Dowden, J., The Medieval Church in Scotland (Glasgow, 1910). Dowden, John, The Medieval Church in Scotland: Its Constitution, Organisation and Law (Glasgow, 1910). Dunbar, Linda, Reforming the Scottish Church, John Winram (c.1492-1582) and the example of Fife (Aldershot, 2002). Duncan, A.A.M., Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom (Edinburgh, 1975). Duncan, A.A.M., 'The Foundation of St Andrews Cathedral Priory', Scottish Historical Review (April 2005), vol. 84, no. 217, pp. 1-37. Dunlop, A. I., ‘Remission and Indulgences in Fifteenth Century Scotland’, RSCHS, xv (Glasgow, 1966), pp. 153-167. Dunlop, A. I., The Life and Times of James Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrews (St. Andrews Univ. Pubns., 46), (1950). Easson, D.E., Medieval Religious Houses: Scotland (London, 1957). Eeles, F.C., ‘The Altar of St Fergus in Holy Trinity, St Andrews: A Sixteenth Century MS. Rental and Inventory’, Scottish Historical Review, vol. 2, 7 (1905), pp. 260-267. Fawcett, R., Scottish Cathedrals (London, 1997). Fawcett, R., St Andrews Castle (Edinburgh, 1992). Fawcett, R., St Andrews Cathedral (Edinburgh, 2003). Fawcett, R., The Architectural History of Scotland: Scottish Architecture from the Accession of the Stewarts to the Reformation 1371-1560 (Edinburgh, 1994). Fernie, E., ‘Early Church architecture in Scotland’, in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 116 (1986), 393-411. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm Foggie, Janet, Renaissance Religion in Urban Scotland: The Dominican Order, 1450-1560 (Leiden, 2003). Foster, S. (ed.), The St Andrews Sarcophagus (Dublin, 1998). Fraser, J. E., 'Rochester, Hexham and Cennrigmonaid: the movements of St Andrew in Britain, 604-747' in Saints' Cults in the Celtic World, ed. S. Boardman, (Boydell and Brewer, 2009) 1-17. Fraser, James E., ‘Rochester, Hexham and Cennrígmonaid: the Movements of St Andrew in Britain, 604-747’, in S. Boardman, J.R. Davies and E. Williamson (eds), Saints Cults in the Celtic World (Woodbridge, 2009), pp. 1-17. Gifford, J., The Buildings of Scotland: Fife (London, 1988), 357-403. Hannay, R. K., ‘James I, Bishop Cameron, and the Papacy’, SHR, xv (Edinburgh, Apr. 1918), pp. 185-200. Hannay, R. K., The Scottish Crown and the Papacy in the Fifteenth Century (Historical Association of Scotland pamphlet, no. vi, London, 1936). Hannay, Robert Kerr, ‘A chapter election at St. Andrews in 1417’, Scottish Historical Review, 13 (1916), 321-7. Hay Fleming, D., ‘Some recent discoveries in St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 49 (1914-5), 223-8. Hay Fleming, David, St Andrews Cathedral Museum (Edinburgh, 1931). Herkless, J. and Hannay, R. K., Archbishops of St Andrews, 5 vols. (Edinburgh, 1907-1915). Higgitt, J. (ed.), Medieval Art and Architecture in the Diocese of St Andrews (1994). J. Bannerman, ‘Papal Provisions in Scotland in the Fourteenth and Early Fifteenth Centuries’, in B. Crawford, ed., Church, Chronicle and Learning in Medieval and Early Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 1999), pp. 215-226. Kenworthy, J., ‘A further fragment of early Christian sculpture from St Mary’s on the Rock, St Andrews, Fife’, in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 110 (1979-80), 356-63. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm Lawrence, C.H., Medieval Monasticism (London, 1984), chapters 7, 8, 12. MacDougall, Norman, ‘Bishop Kennedy of St. Andrews : a reassessment of his political career’, in Norman MacDougall (ed.), Church, Politics and Society : Scotland 1408-1929 (Edinburgh, 1983), 1-22. Macfarlane, L., ‘The Primacy of the Scottish Church, 1472-1521’, IR, xx (Glasgow, 1969), pp., 111-129. MacFarlane, L.J., William Elphinstone and the Kingdom of Scotland, 1431-1517 (Aberdeen, 1985). McRoberts, D., ‘A St Andrews Pilgrimage Certificate of 1333 at Saint-Omer’, in McRoberts (ed), The Medieval Church of St Andrews (1976). McRoberts, D., ed., Essays on the Scottish Reformation 1513-1625 (Glasgow, 1962). McRoberts, David (ed.), The Medieval Church of St Andrews (Glasgow, 1976). McRoberts, David, '"The glorious house of St. Andrew"', Innes Review, 25 (1974), 95-158. Morris, C., The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford, 1991 /2003), chapters 9, 21. Murray, P. J., ‘Lay Administrators of Church Lands in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, SHR, lxxiv, 1 (Edinburgh,1995), pp. 26-44. Ollivant, Simon, The Court of the Official in Pre-Reformation Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982). Oram, R., ‘Prelatical Builders: A Preliminary Study’ in R. Oram and G. Stell (eds) Lordship and Architecture in Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 2005), 1-25 Oram, R., Domination and Lordship, Scotland 1070-1230 (Edinburgh, 2011), especially Chapter 10. Peltzer, J., Canon Law, Careers and Conquest: Episcopal Elections in Normandy and Greater Anjou c. 1140-1230 (Cambridge, 2008). Rankin, W.E.K., The Parish Church of the Holy Trinity, St. Andrews, Pre-Reformation (Edinburgh, 1955). Rhodes, E., ‘The Estates of St Andrews Cathedral Priory, 1400-1450’ (University of St Andrews, M.Litt dissertation, 2009). Rhodes, Elizabeth, ‘The Reformation in the Burgh of St Andrews: Property, Piety and Power’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013). Robertson, W.N., ‘Fragments of sculptured stonework from the tomb of Henry Wardlaw bishop of St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 101 (1968-9), 146-9 Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historic Monuments of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan (London, 1933), nos 455 (Cathedral), 460 (Abbey Precinct Wall), 465 (Castle) Sanderson, M. H. B., '"Kin, freindis and servandis" : the men who worked with Archbishop David Beaton', Innes Review, 25 (1974), 31-48. Sanderson, M. H. B., Cardinal of Scotland: David Beaton c.1494-1546 (Edinburgh, 1986) Taylor, S. with G. Markús, The Place-Names of Fife: volume 3 St Andrews and the East Neuk (Stamford, 2009), especially 600-615. Taylor, S., ‘The coming of the Augustinians to St Andrews and version B of the St Andrews foundation legend’, in idem (ed.) Kings, Clerics and Chronicles in Scotland 500-1297, (Dublin, 2000), 115-123. Thurlby, M., ‘St Andrews Cathedral-Priory and the beginnings of Gothic Architecture in Northern Britain’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 47-60 Turpie, T. ‘Scottish saints cults and pilgrimage from the Black Death to the Reformation, c.1349-1560 ‘ (PhD, University of Edinburgh, 2011) Read at: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/bitstream/1842/5983/2/Turpie2011.pdf Veitch, K., ‘Replanting Paradise: Alexander I and the Reform of the Church in Scotland’, Innes Review 52 (2001), 136-166. Vysny, P., ‘A Hussite in Scotland: The Mission of Pavel Kravař to St Andrews in 1433’, SHR, lxxxii, 1 (Edinburgh, April 2003), pp. 1-19. Watt, D.E.R., ‘The Scottish Church and the Papacy in the Fifteenth Century’, in B. Dobson (ed.), The Church, Politics and Patronage in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1994). Watt, D.E.R., A Biographical Dictionary of Scottish Graduates to A.D. 1410 (Oxford, 1977). Watt, D.E.R., Medieval Church Councils in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2000). Williamson, E., ‘Scottish Benefices and Clergy during the Pontificate of Sixtus IV (1471-84): the evidence in the Registra Supplicationum’, 2 vols. Wormald, J., Court, Kirk and Community: Scotland, 1470-1625 (Edinburgh, 1981). Worth Frank, R. ‘Shrine Rivalry in the North Sea World’, in Thomas R. Liszka and E. M. Walker (eds), The North Sea World in the Middle Ages (Dublin, 2001), pp. 230-42. Yeoman, P., Pilgrimage in Medieval Scotland (London, 1999).
Further Reading on the Town of Medieval St Andrews
A select bibliography of the current research relating to the medieval town of St Andrews.
Anderson, M. O., ‘St Andrews before Alexander I’, in G. W. S. Barrow (ed.), The Scottish Tradition (Edinburgh 1974), 1-13. Bonner, E., ‘The recovery of St Andrews castle in 1547: French Naval Policy and Diplomacy in the British Isles’, English Historical Review, 111 (1996), 578-98. Brookes, N. P. and G. Whittington, ‘Planning and Growth in the Medieval Scottish Burgh: the example of St Andrews’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 2 (1977), 278-95. Brooks N. P, and G, Whittington, ‘Planning and Growth in the Medieval Scottish burgh’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers new series vol 2 (1977), 278-295. Available via J-Stor. Cambridge, Eric, ‘The early Building-History of St Andrews Cathedral, Fife, and its context in Northern Transitional Architecture’, Antiquaries Journal, 57 (1978), 277-88. Campbell, I., 'Planning for Pilgrims: St Andrews as the Second Rome', Innes Review, vol. 64 (May, 2013), pp. 1-22. Cant, R.G., St Andrews: The Preservation Trust Guide and Handbook (St Andrews, 1982). Cant, Ronald Gordon, ‘The building of St. Andrews cathedral’, Innes Review, 25 (1974), 77-94. Cant, Ronald, ‘Burgh planning and early domestic architecture : the example of St Andrews (c.1130-1730)’, in Deborah Mays (ed.), The architecture of Scottish cities : essays in honour of David Walker (East Linton, 1997), 1-12. Cant, Ronald, The Parish Church of the Holy Trinity, St. Andrews : a short account of its history and architecture (St Andrews, 1992) Carstairs, A.M., ‘The Convener’s Court Book of the Seven Incorporated Trades in St. Andrews’, The Scottish Historical Review (April 1955). Coleman, R.J., ‘Burgage Plots of Medieval Perth: the evidence from excavations at Canal Street’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 126 (1996), 689-732 Cox, Adrian, ‘Backland activities in medieval Perth: the evidence from excavations at Meal Vennel and Scott Street’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 126 (1996), 733-822 Dennison, ‘Burghs and burgesses, a time of consolidation’, in R. Oram (ed.) Alexander II (Leiden, 2005), 253-283. Ewan, E., Townlife in Fourteenth-Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1990) Fawcett, R., Scottish Cathedrals (London, 1997). Fawcett, R., St Andrews Castle (Edinburgh, 1992). Fawcett, R., St Andrews Cathedral (Edinburgh, 2003). Fawcett, R., The Architectural History of Scotland: Scottish Architecture from the Accession of the Stewarts to the Reformation 1371-1560 (Edinburgh, 1994). Gifford, J., The Buildings of Scotland: Fife (London, 1988), 357-403. Grant, I.F., Social and Economic Development of Scotland before 1603 (1930) Hall, D., Burgess, Merchant and Priest, Burgh Life in the Scottish Medieval Town (2002) Hall, D.W. and Rains, M.J., Excavations in St Andrews 1980-89 : A Decade of Archaeology in a Historic Scottish Burgh (Glenrothes, 1997). Hall, Derek, ‘Pre-Burghal St Andrews’, Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, no. 1 (1995); pp. 23-27. Hamilton, Jamie and Ronan Toolis, ‘Further excavations at the site of a medieval leper hospital at St Nicholas Farm, St Andrews’, Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, 5 (1999). Hay Fleming, D., ‘Some recent discoveries in St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 49 (1914-5), 223-8. Ian Campbell, 'Planning for Pilgrims: St Andrews as the Second Rome', Innes Review, vol. 64 (May, 2013), pp. 1-22. Innes, C. (ed.), Ancient Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scotland v.1 (Edinburgh, 1868). Innes, C., Ancient Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scotland (volume 1) (Edinburgh 1868, reprinted.). Lewis, J.H., ‘Excavations at St Andrews, Castlecliffe, 1988-90’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 126 (1996), 605-88 Lynch, M., Stell, G. and Spearman, R.M. (eds), The Medieval Scottish Town (Edinburgh, 1988) Lyon, C.J., History of St Andrews (Edinburgh, 1843). McRoberts, David, '"The glorious house of St. Andrew"', Innes Review, 25 (1974), 95-158. Moloney, Colm and Louise Baker, 'Evidence for the form and nature of a medieval burgage plot in St Andrews : An archaeological excavation on the site of the Byre Theatre, Abbey Street, St Andrews’, Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, 7 (2001), 49-86. Oram, R., ‘Prelatical Builders: A Preliminary Study’ in R. Oram and G. Stell (eds) Lordship and Architecture in Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 2005), 1-25 Oram, R., Domination and Lordship, Scotland 1070-1230 (Edinburgh, 2011), especially chapter 8. Proudfoot, E., ‘Excavations of a long cist cemetery on Hallow Hill, St Andrews, fife, 1975-77’, in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 126 (1996), 387-454. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm Pryde, G. S. The Burghs of Scotland (Oxford, 1965). Pryde, G., ‘The Scottish Burgh’, S.H.R., 38 (1959) Rains, M.J. and Hall, D., Excavations in St Andrews 1980-89 (Fife and Tayside Archaeological Committee, 1997) Rhodes, Elizabeth, ‘The Reformation in the Burgh of St Andrews: Property, Piety and Power’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013). Robertson, Eric, Old St Andrews (London, 1923). Robertson, W.N., ‘Fragments of sculptured stonework from the tomb of Henry Wardlaw bishop of St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 101 (1968-9), 146-9 Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historic Monuments of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan (London, 1933), nos 455 (Cathedral), 460 (Abbey Precinct Wall), 465. Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historic Monuments of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan (London, 1933), nos 452 (Holy Trinity), 464 (Blackfriars), 466-8. Simpson, Anne Turner and Stevenson, Sylvia, Historic St Andrews: The Archaeological Implications of Development (Glasgow, 1981). Smart, R., ‘The Sixteenth Century Bird’s Eye View Plan of St Andrews’, The St Andrews Preservation Trust Annual Report, 38 (1975), pp. 8-12. Smart, R., and K., Fraser, St Andrews Street Names (St Andrews, 1995) Taylor, S. with G. Markús, The Place-Names of Fife: volume 3 St Andrews and the East Neuk (Stamford, 2009), especially 564-599. Thurlby, M., ‘St Andrews Cathedral-Priory and the beginnings of Gothic Architecture in Northern Britain’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 47-60 Yeoman, P., Medieval Scotland (London, 1995).