1 20 5 http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/508/Town_Further_Reading.docx 552858c3ea14c84138fd02ebc54d018e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medieval St Andrews Research Repository Description An account of the resource A repository for research material on Mediaeval St Andrews focusing on the town, church and university. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Further Reading on the Town of Medieval St Andrews Subject The topic of the resource A select bibliography of the current research relating to the medieval town of St Andrews. Description An account of the resource This resource is available as a word document at the bottom of this page. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Anderson, M. O., ‘St Andrews before Alexander I’, in G. W. S. Barrow (ed.), The Scottish Tradition (Edinburgh 1974), 1-13. Bonner, E., ‘The recovery of St Andrews castle in 1547: French Naval Policy and Diplomacy in the British Isles’, English Historical Review, 111 (1996), 578-98. Brookes, N. P. and G. Whittington, ‘Planning and Growth in the Medieval Scottish Burgh: the example of St Andrews’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 2 (1977), 278-95. Brooks N. P, and G, Whittington, ‘Planning and Growth in the Medieval Scottish burgh’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers new series vol 2 (1977), 278-295. Available via J-Stor. Cambridge, Eric, ‘The early Building-History of St Andrews Cathedral, Fife, and its context in Northern Transitional Architecture’, Antiquaries Journal, 57 (1978), 277-88. Campbell, I., 'Planning for Pilgrims: St Andrews as the Second Rome', Innes Review, vol. 64 (May, 2013), pp. 1-22. Cant, R.G., St Andrews: The Preservation Trust Guide and Handbook (St Andrews, 1982). Cant, Ronald Gordon, ‘The building of St. Andrews cathedral’, Innes Review, 25 (1974), 77-94. Cant, Ronald, ‘Burgh planning and early domestic architecture : the example of St Andrews (c.1130-1730)’, in Deborah Mays (ed.), The architecture of Scottish cities : essays in honour of David Walker (East Linton, 1997), 1-12. Cant, Ronald, The Parish Church of the Holy Trinity, St. Andrews : a short account of its history and architecture (St Andrews, 1992) Carstairs, A.M., ‘The Convener’s Court Book of the Seven Incorporated Trades in St. Andrews’, The Scottish Historical Review (April 1955). Coleman, R.J., ‘Burgage Plots of Medieval Perth: the evidence from excavations at Canal Street’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 126 (1996), 689-732 Cox, Adrian, ‘Backland activities in medieval Perth: the evidence from excavations at Meal Vennel and Scott Street’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 126 (1996), 733-822 Dennison, ‘Burghs and burgesses, a time of consolidation’, in R. Oram (ed.) Alexander II (Leiden, 2005), 253-283. Ewan, E., Townlife in Fourteenth-Century Scotland (Edinburgh, 1990) Fawcett, R., Scottish Cathedrals (London, 1997). Fawcett, R., St Andrews Castle (Edinburgh, 1992). Fawcett, R., St Andrews Cathedral (Edinburgh, 2003). Fawcett, R., The Architectural History of Scotland: Scottish Architecture from the Accession of the Stewarts to the Reformation 1371-1560 (Edinburgh, 1994). Gifford, J., The Buildings of Scotland: Fife (London, 1988), 357-403. Grant, I.F., Social and Economic Development of Scotland before 1603 (1930) Hall, D., Burgess, Merchant and Priest, Burgh Life in the Scottish Medieval Town (2002) Hall, D.W. and Rains, M.J., Excavations in St Andrews 1980-89 : A Decade of Archaeology in a Historic Scottish Burgh (Glenrothes, 1997). Hall, Derek, ‘Pre-Burghal St Andrews’, Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, no. 1 (1995); pp. 23-27. Hamilton, Jamie and Ronan Toolis, ‘Further excavations at the site of a medieval leper hospital at St Nicholas Farm, St Andrews’, Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, 5 (1999). Hay Fleming, D., ‘Some recent discoveries in St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 49 (1914-5), 223-8. Ian Campbell, 'Planning for Pilgrims: St Andrews as the Second Rome', Innes Review, vol. 64 (May, 2013), pp. 1-22. Innes, C. (ed.), Ancient Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scotland v.1 (Edinburgh, 1868). Innes, C., Ancient Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scotland (volume 1) (Edinburgh 1868, reprinted.). Lewis, J.H., ‘Excavations at St Andrews, Castlecliffe, 1988-90’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 126 (1996), 605-88 Lynch, M., Stell, G. and Spearman, R.M. (eds), The Medieval Scottish Town (Edinburgh, 1988) Lyon, C.J., History of St Andrews (Edinburgh, 1843). McRoberts, David, '"The glorious house of St. Andrew"', Innes Review, 25 (1974), 95-158. Moloney, Colm and Louise Baker, 'Evidence for the form and nature of a medieval burgage plot in St Andrews : An archaeological excavation on the site of the Byre Theatre, Abbey Street, St Andrews’, Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal, 7 (2001), 49-86. Oram, R., ‘Prelatical Builders: A Preliminary Study’ in R. Oram and G. Stell (eds) Lordship and Architecture in Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (Edinburgh, 2005), 1-25 Oram, R., Domination and Lordship, Scotland 1070-1230 (Edinburgh, 2011), especially chapter 8. Proudfoot, E., ‘Excavations of a long cist cemetery on Hallow Hill, St Andrews, fife, 1975-77’, in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 126 (1996), 387-454. Available online: http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/psas/volumes.cfm Pryde, G. S. The Burghs of Scotland (Oxford, 1965). Pryde, G., ‘The Scottish Burgh’, S.H.R., 38 (1959) Rains, M.J. and Hall, D., Excavations in St Andrews 1980-89 (Fife and Tayside Archaeological Committee, 1997) Rhodes, Elizabeth, ‘The Reformation in the Burgh of St Andrews: Property, Piety and Power’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013). Robertson, Eric, Old St Andrews (London, 1923). Robertson, W.N., ‘Fragments of sculptured stonework from the tomb of Henry Wardlaw bishop of St Andrews’, P.S.A.S., 101 (1968-9), 146-9 Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historic Monuments of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan (London, 1933), nos 455 (Cathedral), 460 (Abbey Precinct Wall), 465. Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historic Monuments of Scotland: Fife, Kinross and Clackmannan (London, 1933), nos 452 (Holy Trinity), 464 (Blackfriars), 466-8. Simpson, Anne Turner and Stevenson, Sylvia, Historic St Andrews: The Archaeological Implications of Development (Glasgow, 1981). Smart, R., ‘The Sixteenth Century Bird’s Eye View Plan of St Andrews’, The St Andrews Preservation Trust Annual Report, 38 (1975), pp. 8-12. Smart, R., and K., Fraser, St Andrews Street Names (St Andrews, 1995) Taylor, S. with G. Markús, The Place-Names of Fife: volume 3 St Andrews and the East Neuk (Stamford, 2009), especially 564-599. Thurlby, M., ‘St Andrews Cathedral-Priory and the beginnings of Gothic Architecture in Northern Britain’, in Higgitt, J., (ed.), Medieval art and architecture in the diocese of St Andrews (London, 1994), 47-60 Yeoman, P., Medieval Scotland (London, 1995). bibliographies burgh further reading secondary sources St Andrews town http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/513/The_Burgh_Laws.docx 55982fed4409050683b00384fb7004f5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medieval St Andrews Research Repository Description An account of the resource A repository for research material on Mediaeval St Andrews focusing on the town, church and university. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Burgh Laws Subject The topic of the resource The Leges Burgorum, translated by Ann Matheson (2011) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived i. Concerning the King’s rents in burgh tenures In the first, it must be considered what the rent of our lord the king in burgh tenure is. Each man gives the king for his burgh tenure that he defends, for each square perch of land (c 25 metres square) annually. ii. Concerning newly created burgesses Whoever is made a new burgess of our lord the king in the first shall swear loyalty to the king and to his baillies and to the community in which he has been made a burgess. iii. Concerning taking strangers(upland men) into custody in the burgh Any burgess can take into custody strangers (upland men) from beyond the market and outwith his home and without permission of the burgh grieve, but not if the market fairs are held in the burgh and not if he is in the king’s army or indeed engaged in the custody of the castle. iv. Poinding a burgess through another burgess A burgess cannot poind another burgess without the permission of the burgh grieve. v. Concerning things loaned by a burgess to a stranger (upland man) If a burgess has loaned to men from outside the burgh, if the debtor concedes the debt, he shall yield it and if he negates the debt he shall do the right thing (before the lawholders of the burgh) vi. Concerning complaints in the burgh Cases that arise in the burgh shall be held and determined except those that are under the king’s crown. And all quarrels that take place within the burgh must be ended within the burgh, except those that are under the king’s crown. Those that belong under the king’s crown must be registered and kept safe until the arrival of the Justice and then they shall be pleaded against and resolved in the burgess court before the Justice. vii. Concerning complaints outwith the burgh If a burgess is called concerning any complaint he shall not plead outside the burgh unless it is in default of court nor must he respond without a day or term specified unless he has earlier made a foolish response, with the exception of cases that fall to the king’s crown. And as far as those cases within the remit of the king are concerned, he must be judged by his equals according to the laws and courts of the burgh. viii. Concerning a complaint between a burgess and a merchant If a complaint is raised between a burgess and a merchant, it shall be ended within three tides of the sea. ix. Concerning merchandise that arrives in ships All merchandise that comes across the sea in ships shall be brought to land, except salt and herring that can be sold on the ship. x. Concerning land owned for a year and a day Anyone who has held his land for a year and a day that he has bought legally through the witness of twelve neighbours in peace and without challenge – whoever challenges him after one year and one day and if he is in the same family and at the same stage of life and he has not made a claim within the said time, he will never be heard. But if he is within the age or outwith the jurisdiction he shall not lose his right when he comes of age or is reinstated in the region of jurisdiction. xi. Concerning a rural dweller from outwith the burgh If a rural person (rustic) from outwith the burgh has a burgagium (land rented in the town)he shall not be held for burgh rent in another place in the same burgh in which he has his rented land. If indeed that burgess challenges a burgess living in the burgh, the latter burgess shall defend himself against the rustic according to the law. But if a burgess that lives day and night in the burgh challenges that foresaid rustic about anything from which battle might arise the rustic shall defend himself with battle against the burgess. xii. Concerning the challenge of a burgess by a stranger (upland man) If any stranger (upland man) shall challenge a burgess on any matter, he cannot fight against the burgess but can defend himself through the law of the burgh unless it be through treason or for a reason from which he must defend himself in battle. Nor can the burgess fight against the stranger (mountain man) unless he first leaves the burgh. xiii. Concerning the battle of the burgess The king’s burgess can have a battle concerning the burgess of the abbot, the prior, the earl or th baron, but not the other way round. xiv. Concerning the freedom of a burgess’s son The son of a burgess, as long as he is at his father’s table will have the same freedom to sell and buy as his father has departs from his father’s table, he will not enjoy the freedom of the burgh unless he himself becomes a burgess. xv. Concerning another man’s slave entering the burgh If the slave of any baron or soldier or anyone comes into the burgh and stays in his burgh tenure for one year and one day without challenging his masters or his baillie, he shall be free evermore as a burgess is and enjoy the freedom of that burgh. xvi. Concerning the foreign merchant No foreign merchant can buy wool or hides or other merchandise either outside or within the burgh unless they are bought from burgesses. xvii. Concerning bloodwit and suchlike things And let it be known that within the burgh bloodwit will not be heard nor stokisdynt nor market nor herezald nor any such things. xviii. Concerning ovens lawfully held Every burgess of the king may have an oven upon his own land but no one else other than the king’s burgess. xix. Concerning the forfeit of bread and ale If any man or woman in the burgh be in forfeit of bread or ale, no-one should admit them but the burgh grieves. If he/she fails twice, he/she shall be castigated for his/her forfeit. If he/she fails three times, justice shall be carried out upon him/her. If the burgh grieve fails to do justice on him/her, the body and personal property of the burgh grieve shall be in the king’s will. xx. Concerning the buying and dyeing of wool No one but a burgess can buy wool for dyeing or make or cut cloth. xxi. Concerning the disposal of lands of conquest Any burgess can give away or sell his lands of conquest and go wherever he wishes freely unless the lands are in dispute. xxii. Concerning a burgess who is too old to fight If any burgess be challenged to battle and excuses himself in his response, he shall not fight but through the oaths of eleven men like himself, he shall acquit himself. xxiii. Concerning the hereditary succession of a burgess who has died If the burgess has acquired land or lands in the burgh and has a son to inherit and has not assigned those lands to anyone before his death, his son or daughter shall inherit the land the father had on the exact day he died with the reservation that his wife, for her whole life as long as she remains a widow, will hold the inner part of the house which is called the flett . But the heir will have the outer part of the house if he wishes to live there. And this I say, that the wife shall not have any other portion. But if she has another dowry …she and the heir will enjoy the use of it. xxiv. Concerning a burgess who has several wives If any burgess has two wives and has acquired many lands and has produced children with each wife, all the lands he possessed on the day he died, also heritage from conquests he has not assigned to anyone, those lands acquired at the time of the first wife will go to the son and heir of the first wife. In the same way, the lands acquired in the time of the second wife will go to the son and heir of the second wife if they had not been assigned to anyone before his death. And the second wife will not remain in the house of the first heir after her husband has been dead for 40 days. xxv. Concerning dissent among foreign sailors If ships from different regions arrive in the king’s land of Scotland and dissent arises between such men within the king’s gate, the king’s baillies will hold right between them concerning any kind of quarrel any one of them would have with any other which has arisen in the lands of the king of Scotland. And if it shall fall that the challenger or defender has given his toll and done to the king’s land what he ought to do and his ship be in the coast, he will pass by in peace and one or the other shall seek his rights where he can. xxvi. Concerning the accusation of theft by an uplandman If a burgess is accused by and uplandman of theft found in his own house and in his possession and denies the theft as a free burgess against an uplandman and says he has no surety for it but had legally bought the object of contention in the burgh market he shall clear his name with the oaths of 12 of his neighbours and shall be acquiited of the accusation. And he shall swear he does not know when the door of the house of him from whom he bought that thing was closed or open. xxvii. Concerning a new burgess having kirset Whoever is made a new burgess of a wasteland and has no hospitable lands, can have kirset for the first year and after the first year shall have land he can build on . If after that it has been laid waste by fire or battle and he has other lands he can build on, he can leave that land without building on it until he has the wherewithal to rebuild it save on all solid ground ( Scots translation is ‘where the kings farm’) xxviii. Concerning oath swearing on account of debt (owed to a burgess) A burgess may through his own voice put him to oath, whoever that man may be, who has denied his debt to him. But if he is a knight who has denied the debt, the knight can put forward his steward or his grieve with other free men to make the oath if the burgess has no witnesses on his own behalf. xxix. Concerning an oath between a burgess and an uplandman If any complaint arises between a burgess and an uplandman , from which an oath shall be made, the burgess shall clear him with six hands of burgesses against him and he against the burgess with as many of his like. And if one can prove against the other, through witnesses, it is necessary to have a party of burgesses and a party of uplandmen in the contract. xxx. Concerning how to conduct the swearing of witnesses let it be known that he who brings witnesses in any quarrel to prove a point does not himself have to swear but the witnesses shall swear that they are telling the truth and it will be expressed in their oath that they do not say it on account of hatred of one or love for another, but for the sake of speaking the truth. And then the challenge and answers must be recorded in the presence of witnesses so that they can hear what they shall swear before they swear in the witnessing. xxxi. What a burgess can say on his wife’s behalf Any married man can respond on behalf of his espoused wife and stand in judgement and do for her anything in court if she is accused of anything. And it must be upheld that in the burgh courts Twertnay is used in defending right and wrong. xxxii. Concerning taking plunder from uplandmen Any burgess can poind item from outside the burgh for his debt inside and outside of his house. And if it sits on his horse, he does not have to put it down from his horse. And if it was taken before that day or came to re-enter as poinded before it was taken, it cannot be taken. But if any other man says it had been taken before that day he shall swear to that and have his plunder in peace. And it should be known that it is not necessary for a burgess to take any other pledge for his poind unless he wishes to. xxxiii. Concerning obstacles of custody There are four obstacles to impounding in the burgh. That is, if his master was in the king’s army or was in the king’s castle to guard it for a space of 40 days, if he comes to the courts or if he comes to the burgh for the purpose of buying his lord’s food. xxxiv. Concerning the borrowing of impoundings from rural areas Let it be known that uplandmen can borrow their plundered (beasts) three times from week to week and then three days and no more. And if they (the uplandmen) , out of perverseness, do not want to borrow them and they die of hunger, the burgess shall make them drag it out, whether it be a horse or another beast, but he will not flay it but hold it by the head and rump and afterwards impound another one. xxxv. Concerning those not permitted to be poinded No one can capture a fisherman carrying a fish to be sold unless it is for the fish or the fisherman’s debt. Nor those that bring wood or peats or for their own debts. xxxvi. Concerning the annual rent of the brewers Whoever brews throughout the year will give the alderman 4 denarios; 2 denarios for half a year. xxxvii. Concerning the rents of tradesmen and merchants Every tradesman shall settle with the burgh grieve and give him a halfpenny each market day. A merchant with a covered booth in the market place on market day shall give a halfpenny to the burgh grieve for custom. If the booth is not covered, he shall pay a farthing. xxxviii. Concerning oath-taking for breaking assize The burgh grieve may not put any man or woman under oath for breaking assize unless one has complained of another. And if he denies it and the other man does not have witnesses, then he shall clear him according to burgh law, that is to say by the sixth hand (?) xxxix. Concerning the maximum forfeit in the burgh Let it be known that the burgh forfeit does not exceed 8 solidos from those convicted in a grievance and judgements, but this is seldom taken. xL. Concerning the main courts throughout the year Be it known that there are three principal courts throughout the year where all burgesses should be present. The first is after the Feast of St Michael. the second after the birth of Christ, the third after Easter. Any burgess who does not attend, without being legally excused whether he is sick or out of the country or at the fairs, if he was in the burgh, will pay 4 denarios in forfeit. This will be 8 solidos if he is a burgess living in the country because he does not have to come to any courts through the year except these principal ones. xLi. Concerning burgh tenure given in a free marriage If anyone receives burgh tenure in a free marriage with any woman and has a son or daughter with her and , for some reason, the wife dies and, after the mother’s death, if the son or daughter lives or dies the man will enjoy use of that burgh tenure all his days but cannot pledge (pawn) it or sell it. And if, on the same day the son and daughter are born , the mother and child die, then the man can enjoy the use of it all his life. As long as the man has witness of twelve honest men or women neighbours that held the child scream or cry or yell. And so if he received many lands with his wife in marriage. If he has no child with his wife, the lands will go to his wife’s next heir. xLii. Concerning land sold out of necessity (for reason of poverty) All men can legitimately give or sell land he has from conquest to whomever he wishes. But if forced by poverty to sell his property he shall at the three principal meetings offer that land to the nearest heirs. If the nearest heirs want to buy that land , they shall find for him necessities such as food and clothing just as they would for themselves. The clothing should be of one colour, grey or white. If they are unwilling to do this or have not the ability to do this, it will be lawful for him to sell the aforesaid lands as well as he can to another person. And if the heir is outwith the kingdom in a neighboring kingdom, he should wait for 11 days. If in another kingdom, he should wait for two times 11 days and so on for farther kingdoms. If the heir is absent through illness for longer than the aforesaid term it will be lawful for the poor man to sell his lands where best he can. xLiii. Concerning the challenge of land within the burgh If any burgess is challenged of his lands or tenement in the burgh, he does not have to respond to his adversary without the king's letters, unless he wishes to do so spontaneously. And he who is challenged can run to delays and rational excuses once, twice and three times. And the fourth time he comes to warrant his excuses and respond to the baillies according to the law. xLiv. No burgess can take custody of another burgess No burgess can take custody of another burgess within the king’s burgh, but he shall come to his house with the town beadle and set him a day at the first court for him to come to answer to him if he will not repay the debt. If he does not come on the set day, he will be in forfeit and he will be summoned to come to the next court to answer and so forth. xLv. Concerning a challenge in pilgrimage Let it be known that if a man challenged for his land is in pilgrimage or in his errands in lands across the sea he will show his letters in court before the adversary and must wait until he comes home unless he has stayed absent for fraudulent reasons. And if so, according to what is written earlier, he must wait for a period of 11 days. xLvi. Concerning a castle and a burgess If any man from the castle has wronged a burgess of the burgh, he shall consult the law outside the gates. If any burgess has wronged a man of the castle, he shall consult the law in the burgh about him. xLvii. Concerning the organisation of litigation in the burgh Let it be known that from fifteen days to fifteen days litigation operates in the burgh for lands as well as for property and the arbitrator cannot, against the will of the man who seeks justice, set a day more than fifteen unless he ( the man seeking justice) wishes to or grants this or the arbitrator through the weakness of the court or the poverty of judgement prolongs the period. xLviii. Concerning measures and weights Every burgess can have in his house a measure, a rocking stone and weight to weigh his corn. And all measures and stones for weighing must be sealed with the burgh seal. And let it be known that anyone found with a false measure or weight will pay a forfeit. xLix. Concerning him who wants to be a king’s burgess No man can become the king’s burgess unless he does service to the king as far as pertains to a perch of land at least. L. Concerning destruction by fire If fire moves from any man’s house and sets fire to the many neighbouring houses, no accusation or trouble should be inflicted on him more than he has since he is affected by enough grief and anxiety. Similarly it is for him who has burned down another man’s corn kiln, but he shall lose his service. If a man loans his kiln to anyone , and it burns, he to whom it is loaned is held to restore it.. But if he has hired it for pennies and it burns he is not held to make restitution in any way. Li. Concerning the borrowing of a burgess outwith the burgh If a burgess is taken into custody outside his burgh for some debt or forfeit, his neighbours will go surety for him at their own expense if he is taken within the sherrifdom. But if he is taken outwith the sherrifdom, they will go on the expenses of the man who is taken. Lii. Concerning entering and leaving sold land Whoever sells his land or part of his land, he shall be in the house and shall leave and the other, who is the buyer, shall stand outside and enter. And one shall give the alderman a penny on leaving the land and the other shall give him a penny on entering the land and taking possession. But if they make a change of land between them, each one of them will give two pennies. Liii. Concerning legally taking property from a farm If a farmer will not pay you your maill (rent) at the end of the term, it is right lawful for you to take his property into your land within the house, without permission of the baillies. Liv. Concerning a stranger distrained in the burgh If a stranger owes any debt to a burgess, it is lawful for the burgess to take his property wherever he finds him in the burgh. And let it be known that the stranger can at no time cast lots, cut or cavyll with any burgess about any kind of merchandise unless during the fairs when anyone may cast lots and cavyll. Lv. Concerning goods lent to the baillies of the castle No burgess shall lend to the baillies of the castle through assize and law of the town except to the value of 40 denarii for their goods and that through the space of 40 days. And if within that 40 day term they have not paid back, he will not give them more unless the burgess wants to do so of his own free will. Lvi. Concerning a burgess summoned to the king’s court. Whoever the burgess may be and he is challenged about some complaint in whatever fee he holds, he will come to the king’s court and offer a legal defence that he will pay the correct penalty to the alderman in his own burgh court. But if he is summoned by a beadle before sufficient witnesses and does not come to the king’s court, the king’s baillie shall come to the warden of that fee and will take a full forfeit from him if he does not have the right defence. But if he comes to the king’s court and there gives a full response and makes no mention of his freedom or his lord’s fee, he will make full right in he king’s court. Lvii. Concerning a burgess challenged and not having surety If any burgess is challenged or blamed for any misdeed and cannot have burgh surety, the town burgesses can keep him in his own house in bonds for 15 days. After that, if he has no surety, his neighbours shall lead him to the king’s baillie and there he will be received by them and led to the home of the king’s beadle if the burgesses do not have a prison, and there he will be guarded from his challenges. Indeed the beadle shall find for him good strong bonds. Lviii.Concerning a person in the burgh smitten with leprosy If anyone living or born in the king’s burgh is smitten with leprosy and if he has means through which he can be sustained and clothed, he will be put in the burgh hospital. And if has nothing of his own to live on, the town burgesses will make a collection among themselves by which they will sustain and clothe him up to the value of 20 shillings. Lepers may not enter the town, neither going from door to door nor passing through the town, but shall sit outside the town and there seek alms from those entering and leaving. Furthermore no man must offer shelter to any leper within the burgh on payment of a full fine. Lix. The sale of bread or ale by baillies No alderman baillie nor beadle can make bread or ale to sell. Lx. Concerning bakers and fish sellers Bakers who make bread for sale make white and grey bread according to the price and approval of the good men of the town as the time demands. And the baker will have to win from each chalder after, as it shall be seen by the good men of the town . Also no one who makes bread for sale may hide it but will place it in his window or in the market where it will be sold to the general public. And he who has been convicted for not doing so will pay 8 shillings forfeit and the bread that was hidden will be given out to the poor. And the same goes for sellers of fish. Lxi. Concerning the customs of ovens Whoever has his own oven shall hold in the furnace the customs of our lord the king after the approval of the good men of the town. To wit, that no one will have in his oven more than 4 servants or a master , two servants and a hireling. The lord of the oven shall have each time for his oven a halfpenny (or bread), the master of the oven a halfpenny, the two servants one denarius and the hireling a farthing. And these men must be loyal and of good reputation and shall swear loyalty to the king and the town community. Lxii. Concerning servants in the mill Whoever serve in the king’s mill or have it to farm shall not have servants in the mill without the approval of the good men of town and those who are loyal with good reputation will swear loyalty to the king and to their masters and men who come to the mill. The multure must be taken and saved for their masters. For men coming to the mill, for corn to be kept and the correct multure to be taken , for the location of the mill known as their realm – all of these must be loyally held by each one of them. Lxiii. Concerning the office of maltster (brewer) and their forfeits Whatever woman wants to brew ale for sale shall brew for the whole year, according to the custom of the town. If she does not do this for a year and a day, she shall be suspended from her office. And if she makes ale . And if she makes approved ale for that time she will stand well. But if she makes bad ale and against the custom of the town and is convicted for this, she will give 8 shillings in forfeit or endure the justice of the town viz she will be placed upon the cookstool and two parts of the ale will be given to the poor and the third part to the brothers of the hospital. The same judgement will be made for mead as for bad ale. And every brewster shall put a sign for beer outside her house at her window or above her door so that it is visible to all and sundry. If she does not do this, she will pay a fine of four denarios . Lxiv. Concerning the office of fleshers (butchers) Whoever wants to sell meat shall sell good meat i.e. beef, mutton and pork and shall sell it after the approval of the good men of the town and shall place these in his window so that all who want to buy shall see them. Moreover, fleshers shall serve the burgesses in time of slaughter, that is to say from the Feast of St Martin up to Christmas, from the meat to be prepared and made ready in their larders. Further, if bad meat is prepared, the flesher will return the damaged meat to him who owned the beasts. While fleshers serve the burgesses, they shall eat at their table with their servants. And they shall have a halfpenny for one cow or ox, or for 5 sheep or for a pig. Lxv. Concerning animals to be sold and slaughtered No one living outside the burgh of our lord the king shall buy beasts for slaughtering before the third beat (ie mid-morning) in winter and the first in summer. Moreover, the proper fleshers of the burgh shall buy beasts for the town’s use at any hour of the day. And no flesher shall slaughter or sell beasts at night, but in broad daylight and in his booth with the window open. And he who is convicted of doing otherwise shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Lxvi. Concerning hawkers Hawkers who buy and re-sell for profit shall not buy anything for re-selling before the third bell in winter and the first in summer. They shall neither buy nor receive wool worked or any colour but white, nor yarn, nor any suchlike items except during the time of the fairs. And if anyone is convicted on this he will pay a fine of 8 shillings and shall lose the items of this kind that he has purchased. Lxvii. Concerning sellers in general in the burgh All sellers in general, i.e. sellers of ale, bread, meat or fish, shall sell to everyone, to those passing through as well as those entering and leaving and they shall not keep anything in their houses for the use of their household except to the value of 4 denarios for all that is left for anyone to buy. And anyone convicted of behaving otherwise shall be fined 8 shillings. Lxviii. Concerning false weights or measures If anyone has knowingly given false weight or measure either in wool or in animal tallow or pig lard or any such items and is convicted for this, he will pay a fine of 8 shillings (and be subjected to the town’s judgement) . And then he will be chastised by the baillies of the burgh by being fined for the first second and third time. On the fourth time, he will be at the king’s mercy for his life and limb for such falsehood is a matter for the king and the burgh forfeit does not exceed 8 shillings. And in this case, the king’s fine is ten pounds so it is a matter for the king. Lxix. Concerning the public crier consenting to falsity If the public crier in the king’s burgh consents to falsity or takes any reward for lowering or diminishing the town’s constitution and is thereby convicted he shall pay 8 shillings fine and shall be stripped of office and his hire and will nevermore be trusted. Lxx. Concerning the election of burgh officials At the first court after the Feast of St Michael, the aldermen and baillies shall be chosen through the council of the good men of the town who are loyal and of good reputation. And they shall swear loyalty to the king and the burgesses. They shall also swear faithfully to maintain the customs of the town ( and they shall not make judgement on any man or woman) on account of anger or hatred or fear or love of anyone but through the stated counsel and law of the good men of the town. They shall also swear that neither for fear nor love nor hatred of anyone nor for blood relationship nor for loss of money, they shall spare to do justice to all men. Lxxi. On choosing the criers in the burgh The criers shall be chosen communally by all the burgesses who are loyal and of good repute and they shall swear loyalty to the king and the burgh officials and the burgesses in full court. Lxxii. Concerning forestallers in the burgh No one living in or outside the burgh shall be so bold on market day as to go out through the gates of the burgh to buy anything before it comes within the town gates. And whoever is convicted of this shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Lxxiii. Concerning fish brought for sale Anyone bringing fish into the town for sale shall not take it to any house but to the king’s market if he comes through the day. If he comes by night, he shall find a place to stay until morning and then, when the time comes, all of it untouched shall be brought to the king’s market and sold communally to those wishing to buy it. And no one can take it upon himself to buy fish at the sea or anywhere else for it to be resold in the king’s market. And anyone convicted of this shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. If any fisherman is accustomed to come by night and steal fish for the sake of profit or ‘evil genius’ - if convicted, he shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Also no man who buys fish to be resold shall buy them or gut them before the first hour in summer and before the third hour in winter. And if so convicted, he shall pay a fine of 8 shillings. Lxxiv. Concerning a burgess taken into custody for any misdeed If any burgess is arrested for any misdeed and is kept by his challengers within the burgh and says he has surety, he will be led by his challengers through the burgh to the house in which he says he has surety if he is taken captive by day. If he is taken by night with a cry he will be kept and guarded by his challengers and the town guards until the morning so that his nearby neighbours know why he was captured so that if he can have surety, he shall have it. If not, he shall be led to the crier’s house and there guarded by his challengers if they do not have a prison, until he is permitted judgement. Lxxv. Concerning the time of coming to litigation in the burgh Whoever ought to take right or do right in the burgh shall come to the litigation (sessions) in winter before the third hour and in summer before the first hour. And if he comes before judgements have been made, the appellant will call his appeal and the man who is challenged shall reply in the presence of the baillies and the worthy men of the town in full court. And after the appeal and response, lawful judgement shall be given in court. And if he does not come within their spoken terms, he shall lose his case on that day unless he has a lawful excuse. Lxxvi. Concerning challenges made by aldermen or baillies If the aldermen or the town criers have a challenge against any man or men they can not nor should they lead witnesses against them in any court or challenge but the defending party shall acquit himself lawfully. Lxxvii. Concerning the protection of pilgrims If any man has passed through the king’s burgh as a pilgrim, with the permission of the church and his neighbours, to the holy land or to Saint James or to any other holy place on pilgrimage his house and household will be in the peace of our lord the king and of the burgh officials until God brings him home again. Lxxviii. Concerning a man challenged by many challenges If any man is challenged through another man by many challenges, he will not be held to respond in one day, unless he wants to. But he will be held to respond to sundry men concerning sundry challenges. Lxxix. Concerning land put in pledge in the burgh If any man has land placed in pledge he can redeem it when he wishes, unless it was pledged for a fixed time. And when that term is still running, his pledge can be offered to him at three court meetings. And if he does not want to redeem it, it shall be sold and the creditor will take his debt. And whatever remains shall be given to him who owed the debt. Lxxx. Concerning those who are within (under) age No one within age in the burgh may swear oath or bear witness or make answer, but his guardian or protector in whose custody he is can answer on his behalf and receive judgement after the custom of the burgh and the consideration of the worthy men of the town. Lxxxi. Concerning the manner of the burgh watch For every house in which a man lives who can watch with reason one will be held to watch for cause of danger who when the watchstaff does his rounds from door to door must come forth someone of man’s age who will go out with two weapons when the curfew rings and so shall watch wisely and carefully until dawn. And if anyone fails in this, he will pay 4 denarios, except for widows/single women. Lxxxii. Concerning the complaint of a man made blue and bloody If a man has made another man (black and) blue and bloody by beating him, the injured man must be heard first whether he comes first or not to make a complaint. And if they are both blue and bloody, he who complains first shall be heard first. Lxxxiii. Concerning those convicted of giving false witness Whoever is convicted of perjury or giving false witness shall never more be heard in giving judgement or bearing witness. Lxxxiv. Concerning having pigs in the burgh No burgess living in the burgh is allowed to keep pigs unless he has a keeper following them or feeds them in a sty so that his neighbours do not incur damage. Lxxxv. Concerning not putting up men arriving in the burgh No one living in the burgh ought to give hospitality to any arrival for more than one night unless he wants to become surety for him. Lxxxvi. Concerning establishing peace in the fairs This is the constitution of the peace of fairs in the king’s burgh on this half of the Forth, that is to say, after the peace of fairs has been proclaimed, no one will be captured nor attached in those fairs unless he has broken the peace of the fairs in coming to the fairs or indeed going back or in lingering in those fairs. Or unless he was the king’s outlaw or traitor or such an evil-doer whom the church’s grace ought not to defend. If any such evil-doer either breaks the peace of the fairs, he will be kept securely until the courts of the fairs. And then he shall stand and receive the judgement on that of which he was accused. Lxxxvii. Concerning stolen goods found in fairs If a man finds something in the fair which he says was snatched or stolen from him or lost, he ought to lead him with whom the thing is found to the baillies of the fair and before them he ought to name his master and where he has his house and to find a pledge, in the presence of the baillies of the fair, from the challenger that on the 15th day after the fair he will have the thing that is challenged in a place which the baillies have nominated and there he shall stand to right to his challenger. And if he has no surety, the baillies ought to keep the item until he finds surety for the challenger or else until the courts of the fairs. And if the challenger then comes and finds surety as has been said then the thing will be given to him and the challenger can prosecute his quarrel. But if the challenged man does not come to the courts , the thing will be given to the challenger under good and secure oaths so that if anyone else comes and wants to speak, he shall , at the summoning of the baillies, bring the thing to the place where he got it in the same state as he found it or give the value of the thing if the thing is lost or deteriorated in his keeping and there to do what is just concerning it. Lxxxviii. Concerning fugitives found in fairs If any man finds his bondman who has fled from him in the fair , during the peace of the fair he cannot chase or take him. Lxxxix. Concerning a burgess who has drawn another into making a pledge If a burgess draws another burgess into a pledge and the debtor dies and the heir does not have the wherewithal to pay his father’s debt excluding the lands which his father has left him he must use the lands as surety for 40 days. And within the 40 days he can offer the said lands at three head courts to his nearest relations and friends. But if they do not want to buy or acquire them, it is lawful in the pledge to sell the foresaid lands where best he can and repay the creditor and the debtor keeps what is left. xc. Concerning a burgess who owes debt If a burgess owes anyone a debt and at the term has not the wherewithal to pay it except for his lands, the creditor shall keep these lands for a year and a day and within the year and a day offer these lands to his neighbours and friends. And if they do not want to buy or acquire them, the creditor can sell the lands wherever he wishes. And if there is anything left over, it will be given to the debtor. xci. Concerning fraudulent redemption of land sales If any burgess sells his land for reason of necessity and it has been offered to his nearest relatives and they did not have the money to but it in the purchasing time and afterwards when he saw the said land looked after and productive then some man from among the aforesaid relatives comes and offers to buy it with money fraudulently borrowed, he ought not to be heard nor can he deal with the buyer again in any way. xcii. Concerning excuses in the burgh Be it known that no excuse is permitted in the burgh in any dispute about challenged land unless a man is proven to be ill by witnesses or he is in the king’s service or has travelled to the fairs. xciii. Concerning the shoemaker’s tanning No shoemaker tanner can buy hides for tanning at a higher price than that which has horns and ears of equal length. xciv. Concerning the merchant guild No dyer or butcher or shoemaker can be in the merchant guild unless he swears to carry out his craft with his own hands but with servants under him. xcv. Concerning lands given for feu farm It is ordained that if any man gives his land in feu farm to another man, with a named farm saved for himself and his family and afterwards the feu farmer (to whom the land has been let) from necessity wants to sell the land, he who gave the said land to feu farm and his heirs shall have a greater right to buy that land than anyone else. xcvi. Concerning a man who admits to having done wrong If any man challenges another man for having beaten him or done him any harm and places to his loss 100 marks or as much as he wants and the challenged man in reply denies the wrong and the unlawfulness and says ‘ I grant that I have done other than I ought to have done to you and I am prepared to make amends in the presence of worthy men’ – in this way he shall amend it. And if he does not make such a response but sustains his whole claim and wholly denies it and at the day of law he fails in his acquittal, he will be convicted and condemned to all the harm his adversary can put upon him. xcvii. Concerning taking a burgess from another burgh into custody No one can poind his neighbour from another burgh debt or trespass unless he is his chief debtor or ower of a pledge unless the baillie has failed to give him justice because he is absent. xcviii. Concerning the custody of a burgess’s heir If it happens that a burgess dies, his heir, if under age, and his cattle will be in the custody of his family on his mother’s side and the whole inheritance shall be in the custody of the family on his father’s side. xcix. Concerning a burgess evicted from his property This is the assize of Newcastle, that when any burgess is in possession of any land whether rightly or wrongly and another man comes along saying he is the true heir of that land and evicts from the foresaid land and property on his own authority and without jurisdiction. Whether it is asked (of the burgesses) that he who first was in the property should recover his seizing from the man who evicted him before he can answer him. And the reply given is that he was first in the property rightly or wrongly must always first recover his property and hold it or lose it in legal procedure. And the person who evicts him will be in forfeiture to our lord the king. c. Concerning mis-calling the alderman If anyone miscalls the alderman in full court, he must with his friends deny it with open mouth, saying that he has lied and with a pledge for mercy. And afterwards he will swear upon the holy sacrament that he never knew anything bad about him. And if he miscalls him on other occasions, he will be placed in jurisdiction of the alderman and his neighbours until he makes amends. ci. Concerning a burgess not transferring lands if he is ill It is the custom of the burgh that no burgess who is on his death bed can transfer any lands which he owns by inheritance or which he has acquired when in health from the very heir nor give nor sell to anyone from his heritable property unless he is heavily burdened through need, since need has no law. Or that his heir can not or does not want to deliver him from all his debt. cii. Concerning the castellan in the town No castellan should enter a burgess’s home for the purpose of killing pigs or piglets or geese or hens. But if he comes to the burgess’s door and asks if he has any of the foresaid be there to sell for the king’s majesty. And if he has, he shall sell. And if he has and does not wish to sell and they are found in the street the castellan is permitted to kill them and the neighbours will price that beast and the price will be given to its owner. And the castellans shall not do this except for three times in the year, that is before Yule, Easter and Whit Sunday and not outside the burgh. ciii. Concerning wool-combers leaving the burgh If wool-combers leave the burgh (for rural work) while there is enough work for them in the burgh)they will be captured and imprisoned. civ. Concerning widows selling in the burgh If a widow living in the burgh wants to trade with her neighbours, she must help them in all things and vice versa. cv. Concerning the election of liners within the burgh The alderman in the presence and counsel of the community should choose liners, at least 4 wise and discreet men so that no complaint will come to the king’s room for defective lining. And if a complaint does come, all will be in forfeit, the baillies as well as the liners. And the aforesaid liners will swear that they will line accurately in length and breadth both at the front and at the back part of the land according to the correct old burgh divisions. cvi. Concerning the transfer of the chief tenement No man can transfer his chief dwelling house away from his heir, nor give it to his wife as a dowery, if he has anything else or other lands to be given as a dowry or else it has to be sold through need. cvii. Concerning the transfer of lands through necessity If it happens that any man having lands from heritage or conquest and loves his son and heir so much that he gives his son all his lands within his legal power. And afterwards and inexplicable need comes to the father and he shows his need and that son does not want to help his father, the father can sell or mortgage those lands from heritage and conquest to anyone he chooses. And his poverty must be proven before the sale or transfer by the oaths of 12 legal and honest men, that is 4 living in one part of the land being sold, 4 from another and 4 living across from the house or the transfer will be null and void. cviii. Concerning lands given by a father to his children If a man has several lands and several children and gives a land to one of them and it happens that all the boys and are under age and in their father’s custody. Then, perchance, after the father’s death, the heir says that the gift from his father was valueless as, for his lifetime, the father took the fruits of these lands. But in this matter, the heir must not be heard, since the father gave the lands in his legal power. cix. Concerning excuses and delays Be it understood that as many excuses(for not appearing in court) and delays an appellant has, a defender will have the same in cases of damages or injuries or challenges over land, since , in as many ways as a thing of one kind is said, there are just as many ways of saying the rest. cx. Concerning a summons made by the king’s servants Be it known that a summons made to a burgess within the burgh by the king’s servants must not be heard without the beadle being present. cxi. Concerning possession (of land) granted in the burgh If possession is given in the burgh before the neighbours of the burgh, although it is outwith the court and has not been spoken about in the court beforehand, nevertheless the possession shall suffice well enough. cxii. Concerning the keeping of laws in the burgh In every burgh of the kingdom of Scotland, the chief man (mayor or alderman) of that burgh shall make 12 of the most capable and most discreet legal burgesses swear by oath that they shall preserve and maintain all laws and just customs as legally as they can. cxiii. Concerning debt and borrowing For a debt, there will be one debtor and one pledge and one forfeit for a misdeed. And although there may be several borrowers, there will be only one merciment. cxiv. Concerning the sale of hereditary burgage If any heritage of burgage falls to any man or woman in the burgh or sisters on the father’s or mother’s side. and it is necessary for him or them or one of them, on account of their poverty, to sell or mortgage or farm-let it or dispose of it in any way, it is not lawful for him/her or them or any one of them to sell, mortgage or farm let or in any other way to dispose of the aforesaid burgage to any stranger, if the nearest heirs want to buy it or take it in mortgage or farm let. cxv. Concerning the dividing up of a burgess’s goods It is the custom in all Scottish burghs from time immemorial that if any burgess has children by his legal wife and he dies, the third part of all his goods is owed to the sons and daughters. But his legal firstborn son and heir of the husband and wife shall have the same portion of goods as the other children that is equal to that of the other children unless the firstborn has been put out of the family. cxvi. Concerning equipment and household goods pertaining to a burgess’s heir If a male or female burgess dies in the burgh, whether he/she has mad a testament or not, concerning everything he/she will give to the their heirs, utensils for the house, e.g. the best table, cover, towel, basin, ewer, the best bed with the sheets and other bedcovers feather bed, lead with a musket, wine barrel, brewing vat, flagon, cauldron, three-legged stand, fire-place, pitcher, crook. These things from the house cannot be left in legacy. Also whatever is built, planted or sown all goes with the ground. Also he shall have a chest, storage chest, plough, farm cart, chariot (2-wheeled cart), a quantity of lead , brass pot, frying pan, iron bowl, girdle, mortar, pestle, platter, 12 spoons, a bench, a foot-stool, a wooden sled (to separate wheat from chaff), scales with weights, a spade, an axe. And if the land is inherited, all those things are known to pertain to the heritable right. But they can be sold legitimately if the master has been forced to do so out of necessity or poverty and that will be witnessed by the burgesses. And concerning the aforesaid equipment and household goods all and single, the best things belong to the heir. cxvii. Concerning a burgess attached within the burgh If any man living in the burgh is attached for any reason through the king’s baillies, he shall not be taken outwith the freedom of the burgh to the castle or any enclosed place unless he has no security. cxviii. Concerning the transgression of a burgess’s wife If a burgess’s wife offends her neighbour in any way and finds persons to stand as surety for her to the law without the consent of her husband and if in the court she falls into a foolish response and is convicted for any transgression she has committed by the judge, her husband is not beholden to answer either for her crime or for mercy or for petition or grievance beyond the sum of 4 denarios unless he wants to. Nevertheless, he shall consider her ignorant and behaving negligently without her husband’s counsel , and shall chastise her as if she was a child since she acted outwith his authority. cix. Concerning the lining of land in the burgh If any land is lined in the burgh by the baillies and honest men with either party present and they lay the marks and sasine of those marks is held and in use for one year and one day, it cannot be lined in another way . But if any mark is removed, the baillie will be held to the complainer. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Burgh Laws can be found, along with other material, in: R. Renwick (ed.), The Ancient Laws and Customs of the Burghs of Scotland (Edinburgh : Scottish Burgh Records Society, 1868-1910). <a href="http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/search/Y?search=ancient+laws+and+customs+of+the+burghs+of+scotland" target="_blank">http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/search/Y?search=ancient+laws+and+customs+of+the+burghs+of+scotland</a> burgh government law legislation statutes town http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/514/Town_documents.docx f2343072edcc651173308a16c2b6b24a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medieval St Andrews Research Repository Description An account of the resource A repository for research material on Mediaeval St Andrews focusing on the town, church and university. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Documents relating to the town of St Andrews Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous documents which relate to the medieval town. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Charter of David II Know that whereas the former reverend fathers in Christ of honoured memory, the bishops of St Andrews, have in times past have had in times past the great customs of their own goods and those of the men of the city of St Andrews and have been in full possession thereof hitherto, we, not desiring to lessen the liberty and possessions of the said bishops but rather more fully to increase the same, and considering the various works and heavy expenses incurred and laid out, as effectively and faithfully, by the reverend father in Christ William Laundelis by the grace of God now bishop of St Andrews in sundry ways for the benefit of us and the common weal (res publica), we have approved, ratified and for ever confirmed to him and to his successors the said customs in form, possession and effect, as the same have been used and enjoyed hitherto; and of new for us and our heirs, of certain knowledge and deliberate counsel have bestowed upon and given to him the said custom for the term of his life in … the form underwritten, that is to say, that his citizens of St Andrews shall be free to buy wool, skins and woolly hides wherever they wish, as well in the burgh of Cupar as within other parts of Fife and Fothryff and elsewhere, being within the lands of the said bishop, and that they shall not be compelled to pay the great custom arising therefrom save to the bishops and his officer …; notwithstanding our grants made to any persons or places, for it was not our intention that, on account of such concessions, the liberties and privileges of the said father in Christ and the citizens should anywise suffer; and that the said bishop and his successors may freely possess the great custom of all goods owing to their burgh of St Andrews coming from the port thereof, or being borne to their port of Edyn, together with the escheat of wool, hides and woolly hides if found in these parts not paying customs; and that the cocket of the said burgh of St Andrews shall be as freely received and accepted everywhere in our realm as our cocket is received and accepted. Wherefore we order all our ministers and faithful subjects to maintain the bishop and men and servants in all and sundry things affecting our confirmation and grant … and we prohibit anyone molesting, disturbing or hindering the bishop and his men against the tenor and form of this confirmation. Given at Edinburgh 5th June 1363 [Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, i] Inquest about the Men of Cupar and St Andrews (1370) This inquest being made at Cupar on Friday the fifteenth day of the month of January in the year of our lord 1369 (1370) by the trusty men underwritten, namely, Thomas Monypenny, Philip of Lochore, Alexander Scheyn, Henry Swinton, Stephen of Kilpatrick, Gilbert of Dowrye, Andrew Ramsay of Rothie, John Dishington, John Kinnear, Andrew of Forret, Archibald Forsyth, Richard Inglis, John Brekmond, who being sworn affirm that the burgesses of Cupar, subsequent to the precept of the justiciar, have molested the burgesses of St Andrews. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 8] Judicial proceeding: the presidents of parliament’s judgement in a dispute between St Andrews and Cupar In the parliament held at Perth on 7 February (1370), the venerable father, the bishop of St Andrews, in his name and [in the name] of the city of St Andrews, and several of the citizens of the city of St Andrews, in their names and [in the names] of the other citizens of the same city, from one party, and Duncan Balfour, who calls himself alderman of Cupar, and three other burgesses of Cupar in Fife, calling themselves brothers of the guild within the said burgh, from the other, compearing in the said parliament, since after a substantial controversy has been moved and continued for a long time between the said parties, concerning the purchase of fleeces, pells and hides and other things which are known to pertain to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar by the said citizens, our lord king, wishing finally to settle the said controversy, caused the said parties with due solemnity to be assembled and legitimately summoned to his said parliament, in order to have and receive full justice in that parliament concerning and upon the said controversy. The said lord bishop [compeared], accompanied by certain citizens of the city of St Andrews as his assistants, in his name and [the name] of his church, and of them and of the others [mentioned] above, and said that, although he and his predecessors and the said citizens had been and were freely in possession of a kind of right of buying fleeces, hides and pells, and the other things [mentioned above], however great, pertaining to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar, by the citizens and inhabitants and other subordinate people of the same city, from a time beyond the existence in men’s memories of a different situation, the burgesses of Cupar, notwithstanding that for the part of the said lord our king it had been prohibited for them by public proclamation to in any way presume to disturb or disquiet the aforesaid bishop or the citizens of his city violently in the matter of the aforesaid right except by the way and form of common justice, have presumed to violently and de facto and rashly to disturb and disquiet this bishop and his citizens of his citizens of his said city and their servants and households in his same right of selling fleeces, hides, pells and the other things which [were mentioned] above, to the grave prejudice and harm of him and his church and his citizens. And this he, being in the same place, affirmed by his pledge, and asked that he and his said citizens to be restored [and] returned to the pristine possession of their right, if and in as much as they were rashly and de facto disturbed by the said burgesses of Cupar, and amends are to be made concerning the harm and injury inflicted upon him and his, which harm is assessed at the amount of 1,000 merks sterling, and moreover the same burgesses of Cupar are to have silence imposed on them that they should not presume to trouble him or his said citizens further concerning this otherwise than by the way and form of common justice. The said Duncan Balfour, calling himself alderman as above, and the other three burgesses, his assistants as aforementioned, denied similarly and expressly the pretended possession by the said bishop and citizens of St Andrews, asserting themselves and their fellow burgesses, brothers of the guild of Cupar, to have been and to be the solely and collectively in possession of the right to sell fleeces, pells and hides, and the other things which [were mentioned] above, for a great time past. And when they had been asked on the king’s behalf if the pledge against them was found by the bishop, the said alderman and burgesses would then wish to oppose [him] according to the laws and customs of the realm approved hitherto, [and] they have refused to do this, expressly claiming themselves not to be held for, etc, because they did not have a suitable day or place for showing their evidence to [enable them] to contradict the said pledge being thus found. Which things thus having been done and both parties having withdrawn, and diligent deliberation and negotiation having been had concerning this by the presidents of this parliament in the king’s presence and having been found in writs that the said pledge was not opposed by the said burgesses, the parties were recalled and returned to the presence of the king and of those who were presiding for giving justice in the said parliament. It was decreed by the presidents of the same parliament and adjudged by way of sentence that the bishop of St Andrews and his said citizens in the name which [is stated] above, are to be returned and restored and they returned and restored them in so far as it was in their power to the possession of the said right. And the adverse party was to be held and ought to be held to make satisfaction to them concerning the harm and injury which can be justly proved in the presence of the king’s justiciar at the day and place to be assigned to them by the said justiciar concerning this. And silence was imposed upon the said burgesses of Cupar by the same presidents of the parliament that they would not presume to trouble the said bishop or his said citizens further concerning this other than by the way and in the form of law and according to the laws of the kingdom approved hitherto. And the justiciar then being present and receiving mandate was commanded that at a certain place and day to be assigned to him by the king’s letters he should convoke and convene to that place in the presence of the burgesses of Cupar, whether being absent from the said parliament or the said four who were present in the same place, and that he should accuse each of them on the king’s behalf of violation of the king’s prohibition thus publicly proclaimed, as aforementioned, and of the presumptuous act attempted against his prohibition by them, assessing the harm and disparagement of the king against each of them concerning this at £100 sterling. It was also decreed by the same presidents of the parliament that the same justiciar [should require] certain and secure pledges from the same four burgesses of Cupar then present in the same place for compearing in his presence under certain penalties at the said day and place to be assigned as aforementioned and for standing to law in the same place, and that then the same justiciar should cause the said lord bishop and his men to be satisfied concerning whatsoever damages, injuries and harms inflicted on them as reason should demand and the order of justice should dictate. Records of the Parliaments of Scotland [1370/2/41] Charter by John Scrymgeour to William Balmyle rector of Benhame (1410) Charter by John Scrymgeour, natural son of Sir James Scyrmgeour constable of Dundee, knight, and Marion wife of John, narrating that after the death of Alexander Scrymgeour of Aberbrothock, possessor of certain lands and rights underwritten in the city of St Andrews, William Scrymgeour cousin and heir possessed the same and after Sir James who had acquired the right thereto granted the same to the said John Scrymgeour and Marion then his future spouse, who now with the consent of the said Sir James and other friends of his and his wife, sell and dispone the same to Sir William of Balmyle rector of the church of Benhame, St Andrews diocese, for a certain sum of money: Viz, an annual rent of five shillings due and payable from the lands of James Brabaner in Market Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of Rankiny Brabaner on the west and the land of Laurence Peebles on the east; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of the said Rankiny Brabaner in Market Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of James Brabaner on the east and the land of John Bonar on the west; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of Andrew of Dunbrek in Market Street of the said city on the south side between the lands of the deceased Thomas Tody on the east and the land of Richard Narn on the west; an annual rent of ten shillings due and payable from the lands of the John Duncan in vico Piscatorum (Fishers Street) on the west side between the lands of the heirs of the deceased John Cass on the north and the land of Gilbert Guthry on the south; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of the deceased Galfrid Smith in North Street on the north side thereof between the land of John Scot the elder on the west …; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the lands of Robert Johnson lying in the North Street on the north side between the land of John Scot on the east and the tenement of Laurence Peebles on the west; an annual rent of three shillings due and payable from the land of the said William Raa lying on North Street of the said city on the north side between the lands of John Gled on the east and the land of Robert Smith on the west; an annual rent of thirteen shillings and four pence due and payable from certain land of the heirs of the deceased Thomas Tody in South Street of the said city on the north side between the land of John Bonar on the west and the land of the heirs of Thomas Tody on the east; an annual rent of nine shillings due and payable from the tenement of the said William Balmyle in South Street on the south side between the land of John Thomson on the east and the land of Robert Bower on the west; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the land of John Litstar in South Street on the north side between the land of Thomas Tailour on the west and the land of Duncan Robertson on the east; an annual rent of four shillings due and payable from the tenement of David Coinet in South Street on the north side between the land of Sir John Crab priest on the west and the land of John Wallace on the east; a certain waste land lying in South Street on the north side between the land of John Garden on the west and the heirs of the deceased Norman Gupylde on the east; an annual rent of two shillings due and payable from the land of Adam Ewinson in South Street on the north side between the land of Marion Bald on the east and another land of Adam on the west; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of John Frislay in Market Street on the south side between the land of Walter Spadebeard on the east and the land of John Bonar on the west; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of Alexander Lawson in Market Street on the south side between the land of Stephen Ferny on the west and David Baxster in the east; an annual rent of four shillings from the land of the prior and convent of the church of St Andrews in Market Street on the north side between the land of the heirs of the deceased David Chalmers on the east and the land of the prior and convent on the west; a certain waste land in North Street on the north side between the land of John Swan on the east and William Christison on the west; an annual rent of thirty pence from the land of William Christison in North Street on the north side between the land of William Balmyle on the east and William Millar on the west; an annual rent of two shillings from the land of William Millar in North Street on the north side between the land of William Christison on the east and another land of William Millar on the west; an annual rent of two shillings from the land of William Millar in North Street on the north side between the waste of Richard Purrock on the west and a land of William Millar on the east; two particates of land lying together in crofts on the north side of North Street between the land of John Stele on the east and Thomas Rogerson on the west; another particule of land lying in crofts between the land of John Michaelson in the west and Thomas Rogerson on the east; two particates of land in crofts on the south side of the common way of Galwhil between the land of Marion Hardgate to the east and John Stele to the west; an annual rent of sixteen shillings from four particules of the land of Stanycroft lying at the end of the lands of the heirs of the deceased Deky Thomson and master Robert Murehouse. The which lands John and Marion have resigned into the hands of Roger Williamson bailie of St Andrews and other persons having an interest in the due and accustomed services. Done in the Domus Urbi of St Andrews on Wednesday 2nd April 1410 Witnesses: Master Thomas Cairns official of St Andrews, Robert Butler alderman, Roger Williamson and John Smyth bailies, John Bonar, Duncan Mason, Laurence Narn and others, citizens and parishioners of St Andrews Indenture concerning the construction of the new Parish Church of St Andrews (1410) Instrument narrating that Sir William Lindsay lord of the Byres gave, granted and by his charter confirmed to God and Holy Mother Church in pure and perpetual alms for the safety of the souls of himself and Christian his deceased wife and his successors and all the faithful departed, all his lands lying in the city of St Andrews in South Street on the north side thereof between the lands of Rankin Brabonar on the west and the common vennel that leads to the market cross of the said city on the east, lately purchased and acquired by him from Thomas Butler and John Scissoris with pertinences, so that the Parish Church might be transferred for the betterment on to the said lands with the consent of Henry bishop of St Andrews and that the prior and convent of St Andrews as true patrons and rectors thereof and the citizens and parishioners of the said church might build and erect thereupon in honour of the Holy Trinity a church with a row of pillars on each side through the nave; Therefore the citizens and community considering the zeal and affection of the said Sir William to God and the Church and to the citizens and parishioners have granted and promised to Sir William to erect a chapel to be founded in honour of the Holy Trinity in the eastern bay in the row of pillars on the south side of the church and worthily to ceil and trellis the same with an altar and two windows each with three openings sufficiently glazed and adorned with the arms of the said Sir William, one on the east and the other on the south with frames; and if the said Sir William wishes any alteration made in position or size of the chapel such alteration is to be estimated for by skilled men mutually chosen by them and him, and he promises to pay therefore, while they build and maintain the same for ever, and if he or his heirs fail in payment, work shall stop until payment is made. Moreover it shall be lawful to the said William and his heirs to found and endow the said chapel as a college or otherwise, the presentation of chaplains being in his hands while collation shall belong to the bishop of St Andrews; and whosoever of them wishes to be buried in the said chapel shall have free sepulchre. The work is to be begun at Christmas next and to be performed with all speed, and after the death of the said Sir William his anniversary is to be celebrated for ever with the ringing of a bell through the streets of the city, and they likewise promise that chaplains of the Holy Rood and of Our Lady shall on feast days in their masses and prayers recommend the soul of Sir William with a special collect. Henry bishop of St Andrews and James prior of St Andrews and the chapter intimate their consent by attaching their seals. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 16] Charter of Thomas Stewart esquire to James Haldenstone Prior of St Andrews To all who see or hear this charter Thomas Stewart esquire, citizen of the city of St Andrews, gives greetings in the Lord. You should know that I with the consent, agreement and assent of my dearest lord and master, namely Thomas Stewart archdeacon of St Andrews, give, grant and specifically sell, also selling and alienating from me and my heirs in perpetuity and by this present charter confirming to the venerable father in Christ and lord, Lord James Haldenstone, by divine sanction prior of the cathedral church of St Andrews, all my lands with their appurtenances lying in the aforesaid city in the north street of the same, between the land of William Forsyth on the east side, and the common vennel which leads to the castle on the west side, for fifty-two merks of usual money, which the said lord prior paid in full. Concerning the which sum of money I hold myself well paid and content and hold the said prior and his heirs and assigns free of claim in perpetuity through these present letters. The said lord prior and his heirs hold and possess all the said lands with their appurtenances from me and my heirs in fee and heritage freely, quietly and well in perpetuity and peace, with all and each liberties and rights … through all their proper boundaries, as well in length as width without retention or contradiction. The said lord prior, his heirs or assignees rendering for this property to the lord bishop of St Andrews who was for that time, the rents and services by burgage tenure for as much as is owed and customary for these lands, paying to me and my heirs and my assignees five shillings of usual money in two terms of the year, namely Pentecost and Martinmas … In testimony of the which, because I do not have my proper seal at present, I have borrowed the seal of my said lord archdeacon with the seal of the community of the city aforesaid attaching them to this my present charter, at St Andrews, the fourth day of the month of October A.D. 1422 before these witnesses, namely Master Thomas Stewart archdeacon of St Andrews, Thomas Ramsay, John Bawn and Thomas Williamson, for the time bailies of the said city, Thomas Wardlaw, Andrew Broun, John Fawhope, William Johnson, Richard Kyd, John Chalmers, James Lamby, John of Kenlochy and John Loch, citizens of the same city, and many others. Charter of Laurence of Lindores to the Parish Church of St Andrews Charter by Laurence of Lindores rector of Creich (diocese of St Andrews) and inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of Scotland, whereby having in honour of the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, Michael the Archangel and St Serf founded a new chaplainry in the new parish church of St Andrews at the altar of St Michael on the north side of the church near the column founded by John Carmichael, he, with the consent of Henry bishop of St Andrews grants and mortgages to God, the Virgin Mary, Michael the Archangel and St Serf and the chaplain serving the altar, for the health of the souls of Henry bishop of St Andrews, the granter’s father and mother, himself, his brother and sister and all the faithful, that the tenement belonging to him on the South Street, on the south side of the church of St Andrew between the land of Robert Skynnar on the west and the land of the deceased Sir John Menzies, knight, on the east; and thirty shillings annual rent from the tenement of Robert Skynnar on the said street, between David Broun on the west and his own on the east; five shillings from the tenement of William Smert in the said street between the land of Andrew Cameron on the east and the land of John Haldenstone on the west; paying for the granter’s tenants to the bishop of St Andrews an appropriate sum. Done at St Andrews on the first of December (1434) Witnesses: John Carmichael provost of St Andrew, Mr William Wishart chamberlain to the bishop of St Andrews, Mr Alexander of Casteltaris vicar of Forgan, Walter Monypenny of Kinkell, Thomas Arthur, William of Kinnaird, John Akeman, Duncan Gedy, John of Camroun and David Post – citizens of St Andrews Charter to the Blackfriars of St Andrews Charter by John Michaelson citizen of St Andrews giving and confirming to God and to the Virgin Mary and to the house of Friars Preacher and the friars thereof founded in the city of St Andrews, for the safety of the souls of himself and his wife Marjory, the annual rent of three shillings from certain lands with pertinences lying in the street which is called Argaile within the said city on the south side, between the lands of Adam Godherd on the west and that of the friars on the east. Done at St Andrews. The fourth day of August A.D. 1446. [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 32] Resignation to Blackfriars of St Andrews John Alanson indweller of St Andrews resigns into the hands of Robert Arthur, one of the bailies thereof, with the consent of Thomas Peirson, an annual rent of six shillings and eight pence out of his yard, barn and threshing floor lying in South Street on the south side, between the yard or land of William Millar on the north and the lands of Thomas Rede on the east and the land of the heirs of the deceased Robert Wan on the west and the burn of the city on the south; the bailie gave sasine (possession) to Friar John Smyth, prior or custodian of the place of the Friars Preacher within the said city, for an anniversary with a requiem mass on the morning of the day of the said Thomas’ death. Done on the ground of the said yard. The fourteenth day of February, A.D. 1476 (1477). [Calendar of St Andrews Charters, SAUL B65/22, no. 65] burgh documents St Andrews town Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medieval St Andrews Research Repository Description An account of the resource A repository for research material on Mediaeval St Andrews focusing on the town, church and university. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Town of St Andrews and the Scottish Parliament Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived [A1304/1] Proceeding: summons to parliament The king to Sir Nicholas de la Hay, greeting. We command you, strictly enjoining you, by the faith which you owe us, to be at our parliament in the town of St Andrews this next Monday in mid-Lent, by all means. Wemyss, 5 March [1304] [1309/1] Letters: by the magnates of Scotland to Philip IV, king of France To the most Christian and triumphant prince and reverend lord the lord Philip [IV] by the grace of God illustrious king of the French, William, earl of Ross, Malcolm, earl of Lennox, William, [earl of Suther]land, and the communities of the earldoms of Fife, Menteith, Mar, Buchan and Caithness, the heirs of which are in ward, likewise the communities of all the other earldoms of the kingdom of Scotland [except] [D]unbar; Edward de Bruce, lord of Galloway, James the steward of Scotland, Alexander de Argyll, Donald de Islay, John de Menteith, Hugh, the son and heir of the earl [of Ross], Gilbert de Hay, constable of Scotland, Robert de Keith, marischal of Scotland, Thomas Randolph, lord of Nithsdale, James, lord of Douglas, Alexander de Lindsay, Alexander de [Fraser], [William] Wiseman, David de Barclay, Robert Boyd, barons; and also all of Argyll and the Hebrides and the inhabitants of all the kingdom of Scotland recognising the fealty of the lord Robert by the grace of God king of Scotland, all [... ... ....] Your credence having been revealed to us in writing, and having been fully understood [by us], in the full parliament of our lord the king solemnly held not long ago at the city of St Andrews, impressed upon our minds the joyfulness of [your] devot[ion] [... ... ....] For we conclude that your majesty’s mind is devoutly disposed to take on the business of the Holy Land, to prosecute which all followers of the Christian faith justly ought to strive and with humble devotion incline their hearts [... ... ...,] we saw that it was contained [in your letter] that your royal grace considers and calls to mind the treaties between the kingdoms of France and Scotland, made long ago and confirmed; also the losses, harms and injuries which the inhabitants of the kingdom [... ... ...] have suffered in many ways hitherto. The particular and special affection which, in that credence, you say you have towards the person of our lord Robert by the grace of God king [of Scots ... ...] [whom] justice and truth and the grace of the King of Kings has raised up as our prince and leader, cheers our hearts above all else. We therefore noting, with heartfelt feelings, the aforesaid, as we are bound in duty to do [... ... ...] [?commend] your right royal devotion towards the business of the Holy Land, and for the affection which you have towards our lord the king, and we return thanks as best we can to your majesty for restoring the liberties and rights of the kingdom of Scotland, praying to God that ‘by the bowels of mercy of Jesus Christ’ that you may bring to fulfilment the devout purpose which you have conceived in your mind, trough our Lord’s inspiration in relation to the aforesaid, with holy desire, and efficacious eagerness and a safe outcome. May your royal majesty deign to take note, with pious mind, that in the exaltation of Christian princes the name of Christ is extolled and the Catholic faith strengthened. If, therefore, the standing of our lord [the king whom] we say unanimously is [... ... ...], is exalted and the kingdom of Scotland returns to its former free condition, the tempests of war having been quelled and secure peace having been granted, then your royal highness will be able to have as supporters to achieve the end of your desire, the service of God, and to come to your help, not only our lord the king aforesaid, but also the inhabitants of his kingdom as best they are able. And as [evidence of] the aforesaid things [... ...] clearly these letters sealed by our seals were commanded to be sent patent to your highness. Written and given at the city of St Andrews in Scotland 16 March 1308 [1309] and in the third year of our lord King Robert’s [reign]. • [Named Tags and Seals] • [Tag 1] • The seal of William, earl of Ross • William Wiseman; David de Barclay. • [Tag 2] • The seal of Malcolm, earl of Lennox. • [Tag 3 blank] • [Tag 4] • The seal of James the steward of Scotland. • [Tag 5] • The seals of John de Menteith; Donald and Nigel Campbell, brothers. • [Tag 6] • The seal of Gilbert de Hay. • [Tag 7] • The seals of Robert de Keith; Edward de Keith. • [Tag 8] • The seal of Hugh de Ross. • [Tag 9 missing] • [Tag 10] • The seal of Sir Thomas Randolph. • The seal of Gillespie MacLauchlan. • [Tag 11] • The seal of William de. • [Tag 12] • The seal of Alexander Fraser. • [Tag 13] • The seal of Thomas Campbell. [1309/2] Letters: ‘The Declaration of the Clergy’ To all Christ’s faithful to whose notice the present writing shall come, the bishops, abbots, priors and others of the clergy located in the kingdom of Scotland give greeting in the [name of] the author of salvation. Be it know to all of you that when an occasion of dispute arose between the lord John de Balliol, formerly king of Scotland established de facto by the king of England, and the late lord Robert de Bruce [earl of Carrick] grandfather of the present King Robert, namely which of them was nearer by right of blood to governing over the Scottish people, the faithful people without doubt always held, as it had understood and believed to be true from their ancestors and forefathers, that the said Lord Robert, the grandfather, was the true heir after the death of King Alexander [III] and his granddaughter, [Margaret,] daughter of the king of Norway, and [was] to be given preference before all others for the government of the kingdom. Yet, as the enemy of the human race sowed tares, by the various tricks and stratagems of rivals which would be long to narrate individually, the matter was turned in the opposite direction, by reason of which reversal and deprivation of the royal dignity grave harm has since occurred to the kingdom of Scotland and the inhabitants of the same, as experience of events, the mistress of circumstances often repeated hitherto, has manifestly revealed. Therefore, the common folk and people of the aforesaid kingdom of Scotland, worn out as it is by the stings of many tribulations, seeing that the said John had been captured and incarcerated by the king of England for various reasons, and, because his sins demanded this, had been deprived of people and kingdom, and the kingdom of Scotland had been betrayed and reduced to slavery by him, laid waste by a vast plundering, imbued by the anguish of constant sorrow, made desolate for the default of right governance, exposed to every danger and given to the occupier; and the people despoiled of their goods, tortured by war, made captive, bound and incarcerated, oppressed, overthrown and enslaved by the slaughter of immeasurable innocents and by continual burnings, and near to perpetual ruin unless speedy repair should be brought by divine counsel concerning such a disfigured and desolated kingdom and its governance; by the providence of the King most high under whose authority kings rule and princes govern, unable to bear any longer such numerous, great [and] heavy injuries, more bitter than death, often befalling their affairs and bodies for default of a captain and faithful leader, they agreed on the said Lord Robert, the present king, in whom the rights of his father and grandfather to the aforesaid kingdom still reside and thrive incorrupted in the judgement of the people, by authority of the Lord. And by the knowledge and consent of the same people he was received as king so he might restore the defects of the kingdom and correct things needing to be corrected, and might steer those that lacked guidance. And by their authority the aforesaid king of Scots was solemnly endowed with the kingdom, with whom the faithful people of the kingdom wish to live and die as with he who, by the right of blood and the other cardinal virtues, is fit, [as] aforesaid, to govern, and is worthy of the name of king and the honour of the kingdom, because, by the grace of the Saviour, he has repaired such a damaged and forsaken kingdom by repelling injury with the sword, just as many previous princes and kings of Scots repaired, gained and held the kingdom, formerly often forsaken, by the sword in former times, as is more plainly contained in the magnificent ancient records of the deeds of the Scots, and as the warlike efforts of the Picts against the Britons and the Scots against the Picts, [who were] driven out of the kingdom, with many others [who were] long ago forced to flee, conquered and expelled by the sword, manifestly bear witness. And if anyone, to the contrary, should claim right in the aforesaid kingdom by letters sealed in the past containing the consent of the people and common folk, you should know that all this arose de facto by force and violence which it was not then possible to resist, and amid numerous fears, tortures of bodies [and] various terrors which could well have disturbed the senses and minds of perfect men and destroyed steadfast people. Therefore we, the bishops, abbots, priors and other clergy, knowing the firm truth of the foregoing things from previous assessment, and heartily approving them, have made due fealties to the said lord Robert, our illustrious king of Scotland, and which we recognise and declare by the tenor of the present [letters] will be done to him and his heirs by our successors in the future. And in sign of the testimony and approval of all the aforesaid things, not compelled by force nor induced by deceit or by lapse of error, but by a pure, perpetual and spontaneous wish, we caused our seals to be appended to this writing. Given in the parliament held at St Andrews in Scotland on 17 March in the year of grace 1308 [1309]. [1370/2/40] Enrolment between the bishop of St Andrews and the burgh of Cupar And because a great controversy had been moved between the lord [William de Landels], bishop of St Andrews, and his citizens and inhabitants of the city of St Andrews on the one part, and those who called themselves the guild brethren within the burgh of Cupar on the other, because the said persons of Cupar, claiming to be infeft by the king concerning the said guild, were unwilling to permit the men or inhabitants of the said city of St Andrews to hold a market in their town for selling wool, pells and hides and other things which, as they claimed, ought to pertain to their guild alone, the said lord bishop with his said men alleging the contrary; and asking our lord king time and again, and with great insistence, to see that what was right and proper should be done for them, our lord king himself assigned to both the said parties a day on which to compear in the present parliament to receive a decree concerning the said controversy. Wherefore on Saturday, the sixth day of parliament, the said lord bishop compearing with his advocates related that he was unjustly disturbed, harmed and perturbed by the burgesses of Cupar, who called themselves guild brethren, in his possession, which he and his predecessors had, by reason of the church of St Andrews, from a time from beyond memory, for carrying out merchandise through his men, namely of the city of St Andrews, for wool, hides and other such things to be sold in the market square of the burgh of Cupar. And they had influenced on him the aforesaid perturbation, disturbance and harm for a long period, and likewise after the king’s inhibition thereupon made to them duly and legally and publicly proclaimed; and this he confirmed by offering his pledge, by which he asked to be restored to his pristine possession and for amends to be made of the damage and harm having been inflicted on him and his, which damage and harm he assessed at the sum of 1,000 merks. And the burgesses of Cupar compearing there, namely Duncan de Balfour, calling himself an alderman, and three others, all the others being absent, denied [the case] plainly and simply [by claiming] the said lord bishop was not in such possession, but that they [were] from a long time ago. And it was asked of them both if they wished in their and the community’s name to gainsay the said pledge found by the said bishop against them, and they refused to do this, claiming themselves not to have a day or place then for the exhibition of any of their evidence. And thus the court having consulted decreed that the bishop ought to be restored to his possession, reparation to be made to him of the damage and harm which he shall justly be able to prove in the presence of the justiciar. And the justiciar was expressly given commands in that place that, on the day to be assigned to him in the king’s letters to be directed to him, he should make the burgesses of Cupar compear in his presence and make accusation of each of them on the king’s behalf, namely as much of those who were absent as the four previously named persons, assessing the king’s harm for the breaking of his inhibition proclaimed for each person at £100; and that the said four who compeared should immediately be placed under certain pledges and sureties and under certain penalties to compear in his presence at the said day and place to be assigned and to stand to law in that place; and that until then, concerning all these things, satisfaction should be done to the said lord bishop and his men of the wrongful damage and whatsoever harms inflicted upon them, as reason shall demand and the order of law shall dictate. [1370/2/41] Judicial proceeding: the presidents of parliament’s judgement in a dispute between St Andrews and Cupar In the parliament held at Perth on 7 February, the venerable father [William de Landels], the bishop of St Andrews, in his name and [in the name] of the city of St Andrews, and several of the citizens of the city of St Andrews, in their names and [in the names] of the other citizens of the same city, from one party, and Duncan Balfour, who calls himself alderman of Cupar, and three other burgesses of Cupar in Fife, calling themselves brothers of the guild within the said burgh, from the other, compearing in the said parliament, since after a substantial controversy has been moved and continued for a long time between the said parties, concerning the purchase of fleeces, pells and hides and other things which are known to pertain to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar by the said citizens, our lord king, wishing finally to settle the said controversy, caused the said parties with due solemnity to be assembled and legitimately summoned to his said parliament, in order to have and receive full justice in that parliament concerning and upon the said controversy. The said lord bishop [compeared], accompanied by certain citizens of the city of St Andrews as his assistants, in his name and [the name] of his church, and of them and of the others [mentioned] above, and said that, although he and his predecessors and the said citizens had been and were freely in possession of a kind of right of buying fleeces, hides and pells, and the other things [mentioned above], however great, pertaining to the guild, within the said burgh of Cupar, by the citizens and inhabitants and other subordinate people of the same city, from a time beyond the existence in men’s memories of a different situation, the burgesses of Cupar, notwithstanding that for the part of the said lord our king it had been prohibited for them by public proclamation to in any way presume to disturb or disquiet the aforesaid bishop or the citizens of his city violently in the matter of the aforesaid right except by the way and form of common justice, have presumed to violently and de facto and rashly to disturb and disquiet this bishop and his citizens of his citizens of his said city and their servants and households in his same right of selling fleeces, hides, pells and the other things which [were mentioned] above, to the grave prejudice and harm of him and his church and his citizens. And this he, being in the same place, affirmed by his pledge, and asked that he and his said citizens to be restored [and] returned to the pristine possession of their right, if and in as much as they were rashly and de facto disturbed by the said burgesses of Cupar, and amends is to be made concerning the harm and injury inflicted upon him and his, which harm is assessed at the amount of 1,000 merks sterling, and moreover the same burgesses of Cupar are to have silence imposed on them that they should not presume to trouble him or his said citizens further concerning this otherwise than by the way and form of common justice. The said Duncan Balfour, calling himself alderman as above, and the other three burgesses, his assistants as aforementioned, denied similarly and expressly the pretended possession by the said bishop and citizens of St Andrews, asserting themselves and their fellow burgesses, brothers of the guild of Cupar, to have been and to be the solely and collectively in possession of the right to sell fleeces, pells and hides, and the other things which [were mentioned] above, for a great time past. And when they had been asked on the king’s behalf if the pledge against them was found by the bishop, the said alderman and burgesses would then wish to oppose [him] according to the laws and customs of the realm approved hitherto, [and] they have refused to do this, expressly claiming themselves not to be held for, etc, because they did not have a suitable day or place for showing their evidence to [enable them] to contradict the said pledge being thus found. Which things thus having been done and both parties having withdrawn, and diligent deliberation and negotiation having been had concerning this by the presidents of this parliament in the king’s presence and having been found in writs that the said pledge was not opposed by the said burgesses, the parties were recalled and returned to the presence of the king and of those who were presiding for giving justice in the said parliament. It was decreed by the presidents of the same parliament and adjudged by way of sentence that the bishop of St Andrews and his said citizens in the name which [is stated] above, are to be returned and restored and they returned and restored them in so far as it was in their power to the possession of the said right. And the adverse party was to be held and ought to be held to make satisfaction to them concerning the harm and injury which can be justly proved in the presence of the king’s justiciar at the day and place to be assigned to them by the said justiciar concerning this. And silence was imposed upon the said burgesses of Cupar by the same presidents of the parliament that they would not presume to trouble the said bishop or his said citizens further concerning this other than by the way and in the form of law and according to the laws of the kingdom approved hitherto. And the justiciar then being present and receiving mandate was commanded that at a certain place and day to be assigned to him by the king’s letters he should convoke and convene to that place in the presence of the burgesses of Cupar, whether being absent from the said parliament or the said four who were present in the same place, and that he should accuse each of them on the king’s behalf of violation of the king’s prohibition thus publicly proclaimed, as aforementioned, and of the presumptuous act attempted against his prohibition by them, assessing the harm and disparagement of the king against each of them concerning this at £100 sterling. It was also decreed by the same presidents of the parliament that the same justiciar [should require] certain and secure pledges from the same four burgesses of Cupar then present in the same place for compearing in his presence under certain penalties at the said day and place to be assigned as aforementioned and for standing to law in the same place, and that then the same justiciar should cause the said lord bishop and his men to be satisfied concerning whatsoever damages, injuries and harms inflicted on them as reason should demand and the order of justice should dictate. [1402/5/1] Letters: narrating the inquest into the death of David Stewart, duke of Rothesay and the role of Robert Stewart, duke of Albany, and Archibald Douglas, earl of Douglas Robert, by the grace of God king of Scots, to all to whose notice the present letters shall come, greeting. Whereas recently, our most beloved Robert [Stewart, 1st] duke of Albany, earl of Fife and Menteith, our brother german, and Archibald [Douglas, 4th] earl of Douglas and lord of Galloway, our son according to law by reason of our daughter who he took as wife, caused our very beloved firstborn son the late David [Stewart, 1st] duke of Rothesay and earl of Fife and Atholl, to be captured and personally arrested, and first to be guarded in St Andrews castle and then to be detained in keeping at Falkland, where, by divine providence and not otherwise, it is discerned that he departed from this life; they, compearing in our presence in our general council begun at Edinburgh on 16 May 1402 and continued for several days, and interrogated or accused upon this by our royal office of the capture, arrest, death as is expressed above etc., in this manner, confessing everything that followed thereafter, they set out in our presence the very causes that moved them to this action, which, as they asserted, constrained them [to act] for the public good, which we considered should not be imputed as a crime to the present persons and [are] outside the case; [then] when diligent enquiry had been made into this, when all and singular matters which should be considered in a case of this kind and which touch on this case had been considered and discussed by prior and mature consideration of our council, we consider as excused the aforementioned Robert, our brother german, and Archibald, our son according to the laws, and anyone who took part in this affair with them, that is any who arrested, detained, guarded, gave them advice, and all others who gave them counsel, help or support, or executed their order or command in any way whatsoever, and in our said council we openly and publicly declared, pronounced and determined definitively and by the tenor of this our present document declare, pronounce, and by this definitive sentence judge them and each of them to be innocent, harmless, blameless, quit, free and immune completely in all respects from the charge of lese majesty against us, or any other crime, misdemeanour, wrongdoing, rancour and offence which could be charged against them on the occasion of the aforesaid. And if we have conceived any indignation, anger, rancour or offence against them or any of then, or any person or people participating with or adhering to them in any way, we now annul, remove and wish those things to be considered as nothing in perpetuity, by our own volition, from a certain knowledge, and from the deliberation of our said council. Wherefore we strictly order and command all and singular our subjects, of whatever standing or condition they be, that they do not slander the said Robert and Archibald and their participants, accomplices or adherents in this deed, as aforesaid, by word or action, nor murmur against them in any way whereby their good reputation is hurt or any prejudice is generated, under all penalty which may be applicable hereafter in any way by law. Given under testimony of our great seal in our monastery of Holyrood at Edinburgh on 20 May 1402 in the thirteenth year of our reign. Legislation [1431/10/2] On which day, the twentieth day of the beforesaid month, for the resistance of the king's rebels in the north land and the costage to be made thereupon, it is fully consented by the three estates, ordained and concluded, that there be lifted and raised a contribution, that is to say in all lands of the realm where the yield of two pennies was raised, there now be ten pennies raised. And where the two pennies was not raised there now be raised twelve pennies of each pound. And that this contribution be taken through all the realm from all mails of lands and rents of holy kirk, as from temporal lord. No goods of lords or burgess excepted save the extent of the mails of the lords' own demesnes held in their own hands, mails of burgess houses held within burghs inhabited by themselves, and with their own goods from which they take no mail, ridden horses and drawn oxen only excepted, from which no yield shall be raised. Moreover this contribution shall be taxed and raised with all speed possible, brought and delivered to the auditors of it, that is to say [John Hailes] abbot of Balmerino, [Walter Bower] abbot of Inchcolm, Sir John Scrimgeour, [and] John of Fife of Aberdeen, who shall begin their accounts on the next morning after the feast of the Purification of Our Lady [2 February] next to come at Perth, if the pestilence is not there, and at St Andrews if it is there. Which auditors shall put this contribution in a chest of four keys, of which keys each one of them shall have one. And that chest to remain in the castle of St Andrews under the keeping of [Henry Wardlaw] bishop [of St Andrews], and [James Haldenstone] prior [of St Andrews]. And in the case that peace is made in the meantime, this contribution shall remain under the same keeping in deposit for the common profit and use. Which done, the king commanded parliament to be continued to Monday 22 of the foresaid month. [1431/10/6] Letters: letter under the great seal narrating proceedings concerning a dispute between the city of St Andrews and the burgh of Cupar James, by the grace of God king of Scots, to all his good men to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know that in the month of October and on the sixth day of our parliament held at the burgh of Perth in the year written below [1431] in the presence of the deputies of the said parliament chosen and put in place for the determination and decision of causes and complaints, namely the venerable fathers and circumspect noblemen John [Bulloch] bishop of Ross, William [de Blair] abbot of Coupar Angus, Mr John MacGillhauch, provost of Lincluden, Nicholas de Atholl, doctor of decreets, precentor of Dunkeld, Walter de Haliburton, lord of Dirleton, Thomas de Somerville, lord of that Ilk, Herbert de Maxwell, lord of Caerlaverock, Robert de Lauder of Edrington, barons, William de Liberton, provost of the burgh of Edinburgh, John de Haddington, William de Blair and Thomas de Chalmers, burgesses, in the judicial investigation of the city of St Andrews and the burgh of Cupar, the commissioners, as formerly [summoned] by letters of summons from our chapel to compear in the said parliament, compeared with sufficient commissions for producing and showing all their rights and oaths, letters, writings, charters and evidences which either side were intending to use concerning the lawsuits, disagreements, debates and controversies pending and appearing upon the freedoms and boundaries of the city of St Andrews and the citizens of the same on the one part, and the burgh of Cupar and the burgesses of the same on the other part. The aforesaid parties, therefore, being personally present before the said deputies, and their commissions from both the aforesaid parties being displayed and read, the aforesaid commissioners of St Andrews proposed against the aforesaid commission pertaining to the commissioners of the burgh of Cupar [and] for it to be removed, because that commission, for certain causes and reasons alleged and imputed there, was insufficient and not to be admitted, but was entirely to be rejected. Which same commission the said deputies, after mature examination and deliberation, condemned as invalid and insufficient, and they considered and decreed it to be of no vigour, as a result of which the aforementioned commissioners of St Andrews begged the said commissioners of the burgh of Cupar to be condemned in their expenses. And thus, the cause having been continued to the following Monday in the state that it then was, the said commissioners of the burgh of St Andrews and the aforementioned [commissioners] of the burgh of Cupar compeared on that Monday in the presence of the deputies with sufficient commissions on both parts, and which were reputed and accepted as sufficient by the said deputies. And then immediately the oft-mentioned commissioners of the city of St Andrews produced many and diverse charters, evidences, letters, judgements, acts and other muniments of kings concerning the freedoms and boundaries of the said city, and all of the same being made and granted in judgement, and the aforementioned commissioners of the burgh of Cupar exhibited just one charter concerning their freedoms and boundaries for considering and exhibiting; and so the cause was continued until the ninth day of parliament. On which day, although as a result of certain causes moving us to stay proceedings in the said cause, we gave mandate to the said deputies [to do so], nevertheless on the following day, having more maturely and prudently deliberated and been advised, both by voice and also by a writing in our own hand on the back of a schedule of complaint exhibited to us by those commissioners of the city of St Andrews in full parliament, we gave mandate and gave our express precept to the said deputies to proceed further in the said cause. And afterwards on the tenth day of parliament, the oft-mentioned commissioners of the city of St Andrews compearing in court, the said commissioners of the burgh of Cupar, although they were newly summoned to compear then and having been legitimately called at present when they have compeared, entirely absented themselves. Which done, the aforementioned commissioners of the city of St Andrews, notwithstanding the absence of the said commissioners of the burgh of Cupar, begged urgently that the said deputies would proceed to a decision, determination and final decreet in the said cause according to the proofs and rights produced on both sides. And then the the lords deputies, after long and mature deliberations and the inspection and diligent examination of the rights produced on both sides, decreed, revealed and determined that the citizens of the city of St Andrews ought to remain with their ancient possessions, freedoms and boundaries according to the tenors of their charters and evidences, and accordingly as those charters and evidences concerning the said possessions, freedoms and boundaries from the gifts, foundations and infeftments of kings granted and made in past times more plainly contain, carry and bear witness. Given under the testimony of our great seal at the burgh of Perth on 27 October AD 1431 and the twenty-sixth year of our reign. [1432/10/1] Letters: great seal letter narrating the settlement of boundary disputes between the city of St Andrews and the burghs of Cupar and Crail James, by the grace of God king of Scots, to all his good men to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know that since a complaint of controversy and lawsuit was turned concerning the limits, borders and extents of the boundaries and freedoms between the citizens of the city of St Andrews on the one part and the burgesses of the burgh of Cupar on the other part, and had been pending undetermined and undecided for a long time before us and various people of our parliament, at length, in our parliament held at Perth on 10 October in the year written below [1432], in the presence of the deputies chosen by the said parliament for the determination and decision of causes and lawsuits (namely the venerable fathers in Christ John [de Hailes] abbot of Balmerino and Walter [Bower] abbot of Inchcolm, Mr John Scheves, doctor of decreets, official of St Andrews, Mr John MacGillhauch, provost of Lincluden collegiate church, Walter Haliburton of Dirleton, Robert Graham, Alexander Graham, John de St Michael, John de Lumsden, William de Liberton provost of the burgh of Edinburgh, Patrick Charters, provost of the burgh of Perth, and Thomas Chalmers, burgess of Aberdeen), the commissioners of the city of St Andrews compeared on the one part (namely William de Kinnaird and Thomas Arthurson with their advocates, namely Mr John de Scheves (which Mr John, because he was made partial in this cause, removed and subtracted himself from the said deputies) and John de Carmichael) and the commissioners of the burgh of Cupar on the other part (namely David de Balfour, Edward Yellowley, John de Jardine and Richard de Stricklaw) with their sufficient commissions thereupon admitted as approved by the said deputies, because the commissioners of the city of St Andrews, standing in the presence of the deputies, produced various charters of the kingdom concerning the ancient infeftment of the said city in certain limits, divisions, boundaries and freedoms contained in them, upon which formerly a matter of a complaint of controversy of this sort had been examined, considered, digested and fully determined, as was given and made clear by various acts of our said parliaments produced in the presence of the said deputies, which very acts, judgement and understanding of the said deputies were justly introduced and lawfully done, and therefore the limits, divisions, extents, bounds and freedoms of this sort ought to be kept according to the tenors of the said charters and acts of our parliaments made thereafter, furthermore, these limits, divisions, extents, bounds and freedoms are excepted in a new charter of infeftment made and granted by us to the said burgh of Cupar, wherefore it is put to the said deputies that the burgesses of Cupar ought to have silence imposed upon them concerning the foregoing, that they should not cause impediment henceforth to the citizens of the city of St Andrews, God forbid, either in the burgh of Cupar or elsewhere, from buying and selling and enjoying their freedoms in so far as the limits and bounds contained in their charters extend, maintain and purport, and that the burgesses of Cupar shall not proclaim, nor cause to be proclaimed, those who travel to the market of the city of St Andrews to buy and sell any goods in the same place in so far as the limits or bounds of the said city extend, maintain and purport. In addition, in so far as the controversies and complaints moved between the citizens of the said city of StAndrews, on the one part, and the burgesses of the burgh of Crail, on the other part, concerning their limits, extents, bounds and freedoms, the commissioners of the citizens of St Andrews written above compeared in the presence of the said deputies with their sufficient commission, and on the part of the burgh of Crail the commissioners written below compeared (namely Thomas Atkinson, John de Cramond and Alan de Spens), also having sufficient commission. And these commissioners of the city of St Andrews produced and showed their charters of all their aforesaid infeftments with certain bounds and freedoms, with the commissioners of the burgh of Crail also producing and showing their charter of King Robert [I] Bruce, with certain bounds and freedoms. And their liberties of this sort on both sides seen and examined, the said deputies [judged] that the citizens of the city of St Andrews ought to enjoy and possess their freedoms of buying and selling through the whole bounds contained in their charter, with all other liberties in which they are infeft within their bounds, and that nobody of the burgh of Crail shall influence those who use the market of the city of St Andrews or cause them to be disturbed in so far as the bounds of the aforesaid city extend; dismissing the freedom of indictment from the burgesses of the burgh of Crail for indicting all others within their bounds of Crail. Given under the testimony of our great seal at Perth, 10 October 1432 and the twenty-seventh year of our reign. [1473/7/36] Judicial Proceedings In the action and cause pursued by Master John Armorar, on the one part, against John of Learmonth, Robin Arthur and John of Carstairs, aldermen and bailies of St Andrews, on the other part, concerning the inordinate proceeding in the serving of a brieve of inquest purchased by Alison Crannoch as heir to the late Master Thomas Logie, her brother, regarding certain land and annuals lying in the city of St Andrews, and also against the persons who passed on the serving of the said brieve for their mistake and wrongful retouring of the same because they found the said Alison heir to the said Master Thomas, her brother, and not the said Master John, both the said parties being present themselves and through their procurators, and their reasons and allegations heard and understood, the lords auditors decree and deliver that the said alderman and bailies have not failed in the process or order of the serving of the said brieve, nor have the persons who passed on the serving of the same brieve erred or given a wrongful deliverance or retour thereupon. [1474/5/13] Judicial Proceedings 13 May The lords auditors decree and deliver that John Jackson shall withdraw from and clear a tenement of land lying within the city of St Andrews on the east part of the tenement of George Akeman, to John of Carmichael, patron of the altar of St Michael, founded in the church of St Andrews, and to Sir Thomas Rait, chaplain of the same, that they may decide thereupon for the utility and profit of the said altar, and that the said John Jackson shall not administer it in the future, and ordain letters to be written hereupon, and both parties were present. [1479/3/30] Judicial Proceedings After noon In the action and cause pursued by Christian of Balfour, the spouse of the late William Bonar, against James Bonar, their son, regarding the wrongful withholding of a tenement and land lying within the city of St Andrews claimed by the said Christian to pertain to her through joint infeftment, both the said parties being present in person and through their procurators, and their rights, reasons, writs and allegations heard, seen and understood at length, the lords auditors decree and deliver that for all that they have seen as yet, the said Christian has a right to the said land and tenement and the right to enjoy and use the same according to the form of her joint infeftment shown and produced before the said lords, and ordain letters to be written to keep and maintain her in this. [1482/12/47] Judicial Proceedings The same day [12 December] in the afternoon In the action and cause pursued by John Walsh, citizen of St Andrews, against James of Lumsden for the wrongful withholding from him of an annual of 12 merks of the usual money owed to him for the lands of Burnturk for the past 19 years, as was alleged, and appointed by the decreets of the lords of council and of parliament, with the consent of both parties, that the said James should compear in person and testify and give his oath on the yearly payment of the said annual to the said John for the said 19 years according to the form of the said decreets, the said John being present through his procurators, and the said James often called but not compearing to testify and give his oath on the yearly payment of the said annual for the said 19 years as he was ordained [to do] by the said decreets given with his own consent, the lords auditors decree and deliver that the said James shall satisfy and pay the said John Walsh the said 19 years' annual totalling 12 merks yearly, in default of his not compearing to testify and give his oath as is said, and ordain letters to be written to distrenzie him of his lands and goods for that. [1483/3/68] Judicial Proceedings In the action and cause pursued by John Walsh, citizen of St Andrews, on the one part, against John Oliphant of Kellie and Thomas Oliphant, his brother, for the spoliation and removal of a half chalder of wheat, one chalder of barley and 40 [...] of oats, from the teinds of the church of Kilrenny pertaining to the said John through tack from the abbot of Dryburgh, as is alleged, the said John Oliphant and Thomas, his brother, being lawfully and peremptorily summoned and often called but not compearing, the said John being present through his procurators, his reasons, allegations, proof and witnesses' [depositions] taken in the said matter seen, heard and understood, the lords auditors decree and deliver that the said John Oliphant and Thomas, his brother, shall restore and return to the said John Walsh 5 bolls and 2 firlots of wheat, 14 bolls of barley, and 30 bolls of oats spulzied and taken by them from the said teinds as was clearly proven before the lords, and ordain that letters be written to distrenzie them of their lands and goods for this. [1483/3/136] Judicial Proceedings In the action and cause pursued by Robert Maitland of Queensberry, on the one part, against William of Douglas of Drumlanrig, on the other part, regarding the wrongful occupation of the lands of Tibbers claimed by the said Robert to be his lands and the ward of them given to him by [William Scheves], archbishop of St Andrews, tutor to the laird of Lethington, and similarly claimed by the said William to be given to him by the aforesaid archbishop through ward by the death of the late James of Douglas and as his lands, both the said parties being present and their evidence, reasons and allegations heard and understood, the lords of council decree and deliver that the said William of Douglas shall withdraw from and clear the said lands in favour of the said Robert to be used by him according to the form of the gift of the said archbishop, because the said late James had only the freehold of the said lands [at] the time of his death, and the fee of the same given from him, as was shown before the lords. [1483/3/159] Judicial Proceedings The lords auditors decree and deliver that William Laing [... to] Thomas Jackson', citizen of St Andrews, the sum of [...] by him to the said Thomas of the rest of a greater sum for certain silks and other merchandise, just as he is bound by his obligation shown and produced before the said lords, and ordain that letters be written to distrenzie him of his lands and goods for the said sum, and the said Thomas Jackson has admitted in the presence of the lords to defer the execution of this decreet until Whitsunday [18 May]. [1488/10/73] Judicial proceedings: acts of the lords auditors of causes and complaints 14 October In the presence of the lords the alderman of St Andrews and Andrew Kidd compeared as procurators for the community of St Andrews and protested that what had been done in the matter between them and the archdeacon of St Andrews at that time should not prejudice them regarding the lands of Pilmuir. [1488/10/82] Judicial Proceedings In the action and cause pursued by Master Alexander Inglis, archdeacon of St Andrews, on the one part, against William Wauch, provost of St Andrews, Andrew Kidd, Robert Arthur and Thomas Black, bailies of the said city, council and community of the same, on the other part, for the forceful ploughing up, manuring and sowing of a part of his lands of Strathtyrum and the common of the same, and making of dykes there, pertaining to him and his said archdeaconry, and for the damage and injuries sustained by him through it, both the said parties being present themselves and [through] their procurators, their rights, reasons, proof and witnesses taken in the said matter seen, heard and understood at length, the lords auditors decree and deliver that the said William [and the aforesaid] council, community and persons have done wrong in the manuring, cultivating and sowing of the said lands and common of Pilmuir, and making of the said dykes, and that the corn sown on the same pertains to the said archdeacon, and ordain them to desist and cease from it in the future, and that our sovereign lord's letters necessarily be directed for this, and that they shall content and pay the said archdeacon [for] the said corns, damage and injuries that he can prove he sustained through this, for the production of which [proof] the lords appoint 8 January next, with continuation of days, for him and ordain him to have letters to summon his witnesses, and both parties are summoned themselves and their procurators according to the act. And further, the lords auditors have ordained at the request of the said archdeacon of St Andrews that the testimonials taken between him and the citizens of St Andrews regarding the lands of Strathtyrum and the common between them called Pilmuir be published and their depositions [are] to be given in authenticated form, which follow: William [Scheves], archbishop of St Andrews testifies and says that he understands that in the past there was contention between the prior of St Andrews at the time and the archdeacon concerning these lands, and that it was finally decided by the then bishop of St Andrews that the archdeacon should have all the land from the brae of Strathtyrum to the sea, keeping the common pasture of it in Pilmuir for the citizens of St Andrews, and [he] also testifies that the said citizens have manured a part of the said lands and sown the same and made dykes on it, which was never done before, as he understands, but was always a common for the said archdeacon and citizens, and [he] says that he believes the archdeacon is wronged in that but he does not know the value of it. Master David Meldrum, official of St Andrews, testifies that the citizens of St Andrews have ploughed and broken the earth, made dykes and animal enclosures within the said lands of Pilmuir, where none were previously made as he believes, and that the said lands were used and held as common for the archdeacon and citizens and that there was a common road where the said enclosures are made, the quantity and value of what they have ploughed he does not know, and he believes the archdeacon to be injured by this. Master Robert Keith agrees with the official. Master Hugh Spens agrees with the official. Master John Liston, provost of St Salvator's College, agrees with the official. John Scheves testifies that the citizens of St Andrews have ploughed and broken the earth, made dykes and animal enclosures within the said lands of Pilmuir, where none was previously made, as he believes, and that the said lands were used and held as common for the archdeacon and citizens and that there was a common road where the said enclosures are made, the quantity and value of what they have ploughed he does not know, and he believes the archdeacon to be injured by this. Master Walter Drummond, rector of St Andrews, agrees with John Scheves. [1489/1/39] Judicial Proceedings Master John Liston, provost of St Salvator's College at St Andrews, compeared before the lords auditors and protested that what was done in the matter between the lady of Balcolmie and the said provost and canons of the said college, because the said canons were not called for their interest in the said matter [1491/4/59] Judicial Proceedings The action of proof appointed for David Balfour of Cariston to prove sufficiently that Isobel Lauder, lady of Balcolmie, would not give him sufficient power and procuratory to institute legal proceedings against [John Liston], provost, and the canons of St Salvator's College, beside the city of St Andrews, for the recovery by law of an annual of 20 merks, as is contained in the decreets and acts previously passed for that, is continued by the lords auditors until 18 May current, with continuation of days, in the same form and effect as it is now without prejudice of party. And because Alexander Spens, younger, [and] William Ramsay were summoned to have compeared and born loyal witness in this matter under the pain of imprisonment but would not compear, just as they were charged [to do], therefore they [are to] be charged to compear on the said day under the pain of rebellion, and both parties are summoned according to the act. [1491/4/62] Judicial Proceedings 13 May The action and cause pursued by Elizabeth Lauder, lady of Balcomie, against Andrew Kidd, George Kenlochquhy [and] Robert Congalton, citizens of St Andrews, James Beinstoun, John Gourlay in Lamboletham, Master John Liston, provost of the church of St Salvator's College within the city of St Andrews, and canons of the same, and also against Sir James Goodlad, chaplain, that is to say, against the said Andrew, George, Robert, James and John for the wrongful spoliation, removal and withholding from her of 5 oxen, each price 30s, 3 cows, each priced 2 merks, a horse, priced 4 merks, from the said lands of Balcomie, pertaining to the said Isobel and taken by the said persons at the command of the said provost and canons for a certain annual claimed by them from the said lands, as was alleged, and the said provost, and canons and aforesaid chaplain for their interest, as is contained at greater length in the two summons made for that, is continued by the lords of council until 3 October next, with continuation of days, in the same form and effect as it is now, without prejudice of party. And because the said provost, canons and aforesaid chaplain allege that the heir of the late Alexander Leslie should warrant them the said annual, the lords auditors therefore ordain them to have letters to call their warrant on the said day, and all the parties are summoned themselves and their procurators according to the act. [1491/4/103] Judicial Proceedings The action of proof appointed for David Balfour of Cariston to prove sufficiently that Isobel Lauder, lady of Balcomie, would not give him sufficient power and procuratory to institute legal proceedings against [John Liston], provost, and the canons of St Salvator's College, beside the city of St Andrews, for the recovery, by law, of an annual of 20 merks, as is contained in the act and decreets previously passed for that, is continued by the lords auditors with the consent of party until 15 June next, with continuation of days, in the same form and effect as it is now without prejudice of party, and that the said laird of Carraldston has promised to produce such proof as he will use in the said matter without any longer delay or exception dilator, notwithstanding any general proclamation to be made in the meantime, and ordain him to have letters to summon his witnesses in the third form and the parties are summoned according to the act. [1492/2/31] Judicial Proceedings David Arnott, as procurator for Andrew Inglis, son of John Inglis, compeared before the lords auditors and protested that because the provost, canons and chaplains of St Salvator's College and their tenants caused him to be summoned to their suit and would not compear to pursue them, that therefore, etc [1492/2/51] Judicial Proceedings Robert Dolas compeared before the lords auditors and protested that because John Dolas, citizen of St Andrews, caused him to be summoned to his suit for certain actions, as is contained in the summons, and would not compear to pursue him, that therefore etc. [1492/2/62] Judicial proceedings 18 February In the presence of [John Hepburn, prior of St Andrews], my lord privy seal, and [Richard Muirhead], dean of Glasgow, [John Liston], provost of St Salvator's College beside St Andrews, for himself and for the canons of the said college, constituted and made Master David Harvey and John Halkerston, jointly and separately, their procurators in the actions moved between the said provost and canons, on the one part, and Isobel Lauder, lady of Balcolmie, [...] Leslie, her son, and David Balfour of Cariston touching 20 merks of annual of the lands of Balcolmie etc. [1493/5/14] Judicial Proceedings Sir Thomas Morton, procurator for Isobel Barr, the widow of the late John of Barr, and James of Balcomie, now her spouse, and William Barr, her son, compeared before the lords auditors and protested that because Henry Balfour, citizen of St Andrews, caused them to be summoned to his suit for certain sums of money and a term of proof [was] appointed for him for that but [he] would not compear to pursue them or produce his said proof as he had taken it upon him [to do], he being often called for that, therefore he should not be heard in judgement against them in the said matter until he reimburses and pays their costs and expenses and they are summoned anew. [1494/11/60] Judicial Proceedings In the presence of the lords auditors John [Hepburn], prior of St Andrews protested that despite [the fact that] he answered for the relieving of William [Knollis], lord of St John of the sum of 400 merks at the hands of the laird of Corstorphine, that it should not prejudice him in the future as is he is a spiritual man. [1546/7/35] Legislation: tax to finance the siege of St Andrews Castle On the which day, in presence of [James Hamilton, earl of Arran], my lord governor, in the face of parliament, all the prelates and clergy being present and required by [George Gordon, earl of Huntly], my lord chancellor, in the name of my lord governor, for support in case it was thought expedient by the council and committers of the slaughter of [David Beaton], my lord cardinal [and archbishop of St Andrews] be forfeited and the castle of St Andrews should be besieged, consented to the tax of £3,000 monthly for the space of four months, and a further £3,000 monthly so long as my lord governor shall happen to remain at the said siege, if the siege lasts that long, and that the sum of £6,000 for the first two months be raised in this manner: all the prelates and kirkmen present in this town shall pay the two parts of their tax proportionally to the said sum of £6,000 in hand for payment of the footmen, and the rest of the prelates and kirkmen not present shall pay one half of their tax between now and St Giles Day [1 September] next to come, and the other half between then and 24 September next thereafter, and the payment of the third month to begin on 24 October, and payment of the fourth month to begin on 24 November, and so forth monthly as said is at the 24th day of each month during the space foresaid, so that the said money may be well ready in time for the furnishing of the said siege and ordering of such business as shall be found necessary thereto by my lord governor and lords of council. [1546/7/43] Legislation: private act On the which day the lords of the three estates of the realm sitting in plain parliament, understanding perfectly that James Hamilton, [master of Hamilton], eldest lawful son to [James Hamilton, earl of Arran], my lord governor and third person of the realm, is held in the castle of St Andrews by those that committed the cruel and treasonable slaughter of the late David [Beaton], archbishop of St Andrews, cardinal etc. and chancellor of Scotland, who are called by summons of treason for certain points contained in the same and to be forfeited in this present parliament, and will, in no way, let the said James, son to my lord governor, to liberty and freedom, and it is uncertain how they will dispose of him and whether they will let him to liberty or not; and because my said lord governor, preferring the honour and honesty of this realm to all particular affection of his son, is of mind to proceed and to do justice upon the committers of the said cruel and treasonable slaughter and other points contained in the said summons, and that his grace be not destitute of good consolation, discerns and ordains his second son, and failing him any other of his sons lawfully gotten or to be gotten of his body, which failing my lord governor's nearest and lawful male or female heir or heirs whatsoever, to have right and to succeed to all heritages, rights, as well of the crown, if any shall happen to fall, and discerns his said eldest son to have no right thereto but to be secluded therefrom so long as he happens to be in the hands of the said persons and in the hands of any enemies of this realm and until he and they that shall lawfully come of him be put to free liberty to pass and ride within this realm at their own free will and pleasure, providing always that the said James, eldest son to my said lord governor, and they that shall lawfully come of him being put to liberty as said is, they shall have free regress and ingress in and to all rights of succession as well of the crown as of others, likewise as the said James might have if he was now at freedom and liberty. Subject The topic of the resource The following comprises records from RPS in which St Andrews is mentioned. It does not include records in which the bishop, archbishop or any other clerics based in St Andrews acted as witnesses, judges, notaries or ambassadors. It also does not include references to St Andrew himself. Description An account of the resource ‘The Records of the Parliaments of Scotland to 1707 (RPS) is a fully searchable database containing the proceedings of the Scottish parliament from the first surviving act of 1235 to the union of 1707. The culmination of over ten years’ work by researchers from the Scottish Parliament Project based in the School of History at the University of St Andrews, the online edition seeks to make this key historical source freely available to all in a technologically advanced and user-friendly format. The inclusion of new parliaments and conventions of estates, committee records, parliamentary minutes and additional material makes the online edition the most comprehensive record of Scottish parliamentary proceedings ever available. All the sources which make up the proceedings of the pre-1707 Scottish parliament are fully cited and an extensive editorial apparatus included, enabling for the first time a proper understanding of the many and varied sources which make up Scotland’s parliamentary record. A parallel translation of the original Latin, French and Scots text into English and the standardisation of place and personal names, where identifiable, enables keyword searches on an infinite number of subjects, with direct links from the modern translation to the original manuscript record.’ All entries can be found at http://www.rps.ac.uk/ Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource K.M. Brown et al eds. (St Andrews, 2007-2015). burgh legislation Parliament St Andrews statutes town http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/530/Mace_of_the_Faculty_of_Arts.jpg 371060fa7a47025a38724f12eda6cf2a http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/530/Seal_Depicting_the_Cathedral.JPG 911483868429ddf7e07b578d3b57759e http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/530/Seal_of_the_University.JPG 0b0091a14b6cd1638beb92b17d4122ac http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/530/University_Seal_Matrix.jpg 8302cdbc8ffc3ffe494a9f25aa6e4635 http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/530/Statutes_of_St_Leonard_s_College.jpg 413c6a8736e095b50f38ead67b3dd659 http://openvirtualworlds.org/omeka/files/original/5/530/Summa_Theologica.JPG 9d4e563267c0f8d04328fe959a7c8776 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Medieval St Andrews Research Repository Description An account of the resource A repository for research material on Mediaeval St Andrews focusing on the town, church and university. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Images relating to medieval St Andrews Subject The topic of the resource Images of manuscripts, seals and other documents which relate to St Andrews Description An account of the resource (From left to right) <br /><br />The Mace of the Faculty of Arts. See also:<br /> <a href="http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/musa/see/starobjects/stsalvatorsmace/" target="_blank">http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/musa/see/starobjects/stsalvatorsmace/</a> <br /><br />A seal depicting the cathedral <br /><br />The seal of the University of St Andrews <br /><br />The university seal matrix <br /><br />The Statutes of St Leonard's College:<br /> <a href="https://pacific.st-andrews.ac.uk/DServe/dserve.exe?dsqIni=Dserve.ini&amp;dsqApp=Archive&amp;dsqCmd=Show.tcl&amp;dsqDb=Catalog&amp;dsqPos=4&amp;dsqSearch=%28%28text%29%3D%27uysl165%27%29" target="_blank">https://pacific.st-andrews.ac.uk/DServe/dserve.exe?dsqIni=Dserve.ini&amp;dsqApp=Archive&amp;dsqCmd=Show.tcl&amp;dsqDb=Catalog&amp;dsqPos=4&amp;dsqSearch=%28%28text%29%3D%27uysl165%27%29</a> <br /><br />Summa Theologica of St Thomas Aquinas. Gifted to the town of St Andrews by the Blackfriars: <br /><a href="http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/record=b1307346~S5" target="_blank">http://library.st-andrews.ac.uk/record=b1307346~S5</a> burgh church images seals manuscripts St Andrews statutes town university